Historical and Contemporary Realities: Movement Towards Reconciliation by Susan Manitowabi is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
Historical and Contemporary Realities: Movement Towards Reconciliation by Susan Manitowabi is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
The idea behind the creation of this open textbook is twofold. First, it is written as a resource for educators to teach students about the Indigenous historical significance of the lands encompassing the Robinson-Huron Treaty area and more specifically the Greater Sudbury and Manitoulin area. Secondly, through the use of interactive mapping strategies, the textbook will serve as a guide for educators to develop a similar resource to document Indigenous stories from their own areas.
Anishinaabe is a term that is often used to describe Indigenous people from the following culturally related groups – Odawa, Ojibwe, Potawatomi, Oji-Cree, Mississaugas, Chippewa, and Algonquin peoples. For the purpose of this open textbook, when speaking of the people in the Robinson-Huron Territory, we will acknowledge them as Anishinaabe and/or Ojibwe. There are various spellings of the term ‘Anishinaabe’ depending on the place where these people reside. For example, the Union of Ontario Indians uses ‘Anishinabe’ (singular) and ‘Anishinabek’ (plural). People from Atikameksheng use the spelling Anishnawbe (singular) and Anishnawbek (plural). People from Wikwemikong, Ontario spell it with double aa’s – Anishinaabe because they have adopted the double vowel system of writing. All terms are correct, as the spelling of the Anishinaabe words varies with dialect and region.
Every effort has been made to acknowledge the various uses of the terms used to describe Indigenous peoples. The term of Indigenous is used in an inclusive way to describe the First Nations, Metis and Inuit peoples. The broader term Indigenous will be used when speaking in generalities, however, certain section of the text will use specific terms such as First Nations, Aboriginal, Anishinaabe, etc simply because that is how the people are referred to in the literature. We also acknowledge that there are other Indigenous peoples who reside in this territory such as the Cree, Mohawk, Haudenosaunee and Indigenous peoples from other territories across Turtle Island.
This open textbook is designed to be used at an introductory level to teach about social welfare issues within the Honours Bachelor of Indigenous Social Work program situated in the School of Indigenous Relations at Laurentian University. The material contained within this open textbook is broad enough that it can be used in other disciplines – sociology, education, law and justice, architecture, etc. For example, from a sociological perspective, educators may be interested in how social institutions and social relationships have changed in response to colonization and how these social institutions and relationships have evolved or remained intact with the changes within the social environment. Educators may be interested in being able to provide a more accurate description of the history as it pertains to Indigenous peoples. Law and justice may be interested in the issues related to the treaty making process, the exploitation of natural resources, or changes in legislation affecting families and communities. For those in architecture, the teachings about connection to and relationship with land may be of interest.
This open textbook consists of six chapters. Chapter 1 provides an introduction to the gathering of Indigenous stories and their historical significance within the Greater Sudbury area. Chapters 2 to 5 are structured using the medicine wheel as its framework. The medicine wheel is an ancient symbol conceptualized as a circle divided into four quadrants/directions, each containing teachings about how we should live our lives and the need to balance all four aspects of the being – mental, emotional, physical and spiritual (Hart, 2010; Nabigon, 2006; Hart, 2002).
This chapter introduces readers to the Indigenous stories and their historical significance within what is now known as the Greater Sudbury Area. The Greater Sudbury area is situated on the traditional territory of the Atikameksheng Anishinaabek. Chapter 1 sets the context to begin to explore the unique history of the people from Atikameksheng Anishinaabek and surrounding First Nations communities. This chapter also examines life before the arrival of the Europeans, Ojibwe culture, Ojibwe history, and teachings of the Medicine Wheel. Attention is then turned to exploring more closely two communities in the Sudbury-Manitoulin districts, namely Atikameksheng Anishinaabek and Wiigwaskinaga First Nation, in more detail.
Chapter 2 reflects the teachings of Waabanong (East) – new beginnings. According to Nabigon (2006), waabanong (the east) represents new beginnings, new life, vision, birth, food and springtime. One teaching associated with this direction is about feelings. The Medicine Wheel has two sides – positive and negative. On the positive side of the medicine wheel are good feelings and on the negative side of the medicine wheel the teachings are related to bad feelings or feelings associated with feeling inferior. These teachings help us to begin to know and understand each other. This chapter focuses on the impact of colonial history on Indigenous people and will look at colonial history including the history of pre-confederation, the treaty making process within the Robinson Huron Treaty area, as well as the impacts of legislation such as the Indian Act, the residential schools and the child welfare system on Indigenous peoples.
Chapter 3 reflects the teachings of Zhawaanong (the south) which include: time, relationships, youth, and patience. The positive side of the medicine wheel talks about creating good relationships. It takes time to build good relationships with people (Nabigon, 2006). The opposite of building good relationships is described as envy. When people are envious, they are said to want to have what others have but are not willing to work for them. Therefore, to build good relationships, one must work for it. This chapter explores how Indigenous peoples have resisted colonization and describes the efforts made by Indigenous people to revitalize language, culture, traditional healing practices, traditional governance and Indigenous ways of being. Additionally, this chapter will look at how Indigenous people have worked to create spaces for people to learn about traditions and culture, traditional healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, Indigenous knowledge systems and Indigenous ways of being. This is reflected in organizations such as the development of the Friendship Centre, Shkagamik-kwe Health Centre, Kina Gbezghomi Child and Family Services, the School of Indigenous Relations, etc. Learning about the scope of services that are available to Indigenous peoples of this territory and the ways that these services have been able to respond to the impacts of colonial history can create a sense of pride in Indigenous students, faculty and staff and de-mystify some of the stereotypes that exist about Indigenous peoples, programs and services.
Chapter 4 reflects the teachings that lie in Epingiishmag (the western) direction – which is one of respect and reason (Nabigon, 2006). According to Nabigon (2006), the word ‘respect’ is made up of two words from the English language –‘re’ meaning again and ‘spect’ meaning to look at. When we meet people for the first time we develop a first impression of them but we do not develop ‘respect’ for them until we get to see them for a second time. To gain respect for someone we need to get to know them at a deeper level. The second teaching is about reason. Reason refers to the ability to think, comprehend and understand. This chapter builds upon the previous chapter in that the students are learning at a deeper level about traditions, culture and healing practices, Indigenous governance systems and Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Having this deeper understanding leads to a greater appreciation of the specific needs of Indigenous peoples. This provides the foundation for Indigenous/non-Indigenous to understand the cultural teaching, healing practices and ways of knowing and being, thereby creating space for reconciliation to occur. This chapter builds a deeper understanding of the relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.
Chapter 5 reflects the teachings of Giiwedinong (North) – caring, wisdom, movement and action (Nabigon, 2006). Elders are represented in the northern direction. Elders are respected for their life history, experiences and wisdom and have reached a point in their lives where they are able to share their gifts and knowledge with others. This chapter encourages students to reflect on their own understanding of colonial history; the services and programs that have developed in response to that history; their own knowledge of cultural teachings, healing practices and ways of knowing and being and how they are going to incorporate what they have learned into some action that can lead to reconciliation. This chapter encourages self-reflection about what has been learned up to this point and challenges one to take action towards reconciliation. How do we move forward? What lies in the future? What new initiatives can be developed that help with the braiding of Indigenous and Western approaches.
The last chapter focuses on the centre of the Medicine Wheel – the fire within or, the self. Each individual has a responsibility to oneself – to feed the inner spirit. This chapter is about braiding Indigenous and Western approaches and one’s responsibility to retell the story of colonial history. This brings the book back full circle to the beginning of the book where we looked at the gathering of Indigenous stories and their historical significance within the Greater Sudbury area. Whether you are Indigenous or non-Indigenous, this part of the book course allows you look to the future and tell another story about the relationship between Indigenous/non-Indigenous people of this territory.
In each chapter, you will begin with a chapter overview and list of chapter learning outcomes. It’s important to keep these outcomes in mind as you read through the chapter.
Throughout each chapter, you will also find:
Learning Activities which provide you with an opportunity to test your knowledge;
Expand your Knowledge sections, which provide you with websites and additional resources;
Interesting Facts boxes to share additional facts about the topic or area being discussed
You will also find electronic maps throughout the text, which situate the stories and provide both geographical and visual context and reference for the reader.
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Much like the Creation stories of Aboriginal peoples, this chapter lays the foundation for what follows in this and the subsequent chapters. Aboriginal people were the first to be placed on this land by the Creator. As the original inhabitants, Aboriginal peoples have a special relationship to the land and their connection to the land forms part of their identity as a people. Aboriginal people believe they had and still have inherent rights to the lands they occupied prior to the arrival of the Europeans. These rights include the continued habitation and use of the land for hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering food and medicines, and other traditional uses (Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission, 1999).
Aboriginal peoples occupied North America long before the arrival of Europeans to this land. The Royal Proclamation of 1763 recognized the pre-existing rights of Aboriginal peoples to their territories. According to the Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission (1999), when Europeans first arrived in North America, they did not have the same rights as the original inhabitants of this land. As outsiders, they would have to seek permission from the original inhabitants for permission to share in the land and its resources.
This chapter begins by situating the First Nations peoples within their traditional territories in and around the Greater Sudbury and Manitoulin areas. A description of the original geographical territories of Atikameksheng Anishnawbek and Whitefish River First Nations is provided.
The Medicine Wheel teachings provide guidance for how to live our lives in a good way – mino bimaadiziwin. The Medicine Wheel teachings contain the values and principles for how we should conduct ourselves. These teachings recognize that we are all human beings and recognize the relationship that human beings have to each other, to all other beings and to other than human beings – hence the saying ‘all my relations.’ This section of the chapter explores the Medicine Wheel teachings further with the aim of creating a greater understanding of the significance that these Medicine Wheel teachings have for Indigenous peoples and their relationships within the cosmos.
The next section of this chapter explores Ojibwe peoples and their history. This takes us back to a time when European peoples were just arriving in this country. The dynamics between the Indigenous peoples of these territories and other Indigenous territories were greatly affected by the arrival of the European people. Indigenous peoples welcomed the Europeans to this country and provided a great deal of help to them especially since many of the European people were sick and starving. As time progressed, relationships between the Indigenous people and non-Indigenous people became more formalized. Relationships with Indigenous peoples were crucial to the expansion westward and to the opening of the fur trade into the west. In addition, it is also noted that the Métis played a significant role in the expansion of the fur trade westward particularly because of their unique cultural background being of both French Canadian and Native descent and being skilled hunters, traders, voyageurs and interpreters (Canada’s First Peoples, n.d.).
We now turn our attention to the traditional territories within the Robinson Huron Treaty areas. Aboriginal peoples occupied this territory long before it become known as the Robinson-Huron Treaty area.
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
The map provided below illustrates the locations of the First Nations territories in the Lake Huron Region. The City of Sault Ste Marie is located on the traditional territory of the Ojibwes of Garden River. The town of Manitowaning is located close to Wikwemikong Unceded Indian Reserve. Mindemoya is located close to M’Chigeeng First Nation and Little Current is close to Ojibwes of Aundek Omni Kaning. This etextbook focuses mainly on the traditional territory of the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek, the land upon which the City of Greater Sudbury is situated. The other territory of focus is Wiigwaskinaga (Whitefish River) First Nation as small community that lies between Espanola and Little Current, Ontario.
Did you know…
The word “Anishinabe” can be spelled differently (Anishnaabe, Anishnawbe), most likely attributed to dialect differences. There are several variations in the translations such as “first man,” “original man,” or “good person,” but the intent is similar. Similarly, the plural, Anishinabeg or Anishinaabeg, means “first people.” There are also variations in spelling from one territory to the next. For example, The Union of Ontario Indians uses ‘Anishinabe’ (singular) and ‘Anishinabek’ (plural). People from Atikameksheng use the spelling Anishnawbe (singular) and Anishnawbek (plural).
Atikameksheng Anishnawbek is located approximately 19 km west of the City of Greater Sudbury. Although the City of Greater Sudbury is situated on the traditional territory of the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek, the community itself now has a land base of 43,747 acres. There are eighteen lakes within the current land base and the community itself is surrounded by eight lakes. The community is comprised of approximately 1220 members. Atikameksheng Anishnawbek belongs to the following political organizations:
Whitefish River First Nation (WRFN) also known as “Wiigwaaskingaa” (and formerly known as Birch Island) is located on Highway 6 between Espanola and Little Current, Ontario. The community has a membership of approximately 1,200 citizens with 440 members residing in the village of Whitefish River. This community, located on the shores of Georgian Bay and the North Shore Channel, serves as the gatekeeper to Manitoulin Island, Ontario. WRFN is represented provincially by the Union of Ontario Indians (UOI) and the Chiefs of Ontario (COO) and nationally by the Assembly of First Nations (AFN).
Click on the image of the map below for a more detailed geographic context.
Indigenous peoples have their own versions of origin stories. These stories are in conflict with the western understandings of the world. Western science insists on the theory of Asian origins and that Bering Strait theory accounts for how Indigenous people came to exist in North America (Brownlie, 2009). Indigenous people have their own versions of how they came to exist in North America.
Indigenous people refer to North America as ‘Turtle Island.’ There are many versions of the ‘Creation Story’ that describe how ‘Turtle Island’ was created; the stories will vary from one community to another but the gist of the story is pretty similar. One version of the story is that the Creator placed Anishinaabe on the Earth. As time went on, the original people started to fight with one another. The Creator decided to purify the Earth and sent a great flood. Only NanabushMany Ojibwe legends speak about Nanabush. Nanabush is half spirit/half human (born to an Anishinaabe-kwe (an Aboriginal woman) and a spirit being) giving him the powers of the spirit and the virtues and flaws of a human being. It is said that Nanabush was sent to teach the Anishinaabek how to live but his inability to control his humanly wants and needs often gets him into trouble. Nanabush stories are about humorous escapades and great adventures that either saves the Anishinaabek or causes them great hardship (Ojibwe Cultural Foundation, n.d.) and a few animals remained. The Creation story describes how Nanabush worked with the animals to re-create a new world. Creation stories contain teachings about the importance of connection to the land (the natural environment) and all of creation. Basil Johnson’s (1976) version of the story talks about Sky-Woman (the original human) who survives and comes to rest on the back of a great turtle. The following excerpt is from Basil Johnson’s account of the Creation story:
Gladly, all the animals tried to serve the spirit woman. The beaver was the first to plunge into the depths. He soon surfaced out of breath and without the precious soil. The fisher tried, but he too failed. The marten went down, came up empty handed, reporting the water was too deep. The loon tried. Although he remained out of sight for a long time, he too emerged, gasping for air. He said that it was too dark. All tried to fulfill the spirit women’s request. All failed. All were ashamed.
Finally, the least of the water creatures, the muskrat, volunteered to dive. At this announcement the other water creatures laughed in scorn, because they doubted this little creature’s strength and endurance. Had not they, who were strong and able, been unable to grasp the soil from the bottom of the sea? How could he, the muskrat, the most humble among them, succeed when they could not?
Nevertheless, the little muskrat volunteered to dive. Undaunted, he disappeared into the waves. The onlookers smiled. They waited for the muskrat to emerge as empty handed as they had done. Time passed. Smiles turned to worried frowns. The small hope that each had nurtured for the success of the muskrat turned into despair. When the waiting creatures had given up, the muskrat floated to the surface more dead than alive, but he clutched in his paws a small morsel of soil. Where the great had failed, the small succeeded. (Johnson, 1976, p.14)Excerpted from Ojibway Heritage by Basil H. Johnston. Copyright © 1976 by McClelland & Stewart. Reprinted by permission of McClelland & Stewart, a division of Penguin Random House Canada Limited.
Aboriginal worldview is grounded in the Creation story. Aboriginal people view the earth as their Mother and the animals as their spiritual kin. There is an interconnectedness between all living things and we are all part of a greater whole which is called life. Aboriginal worldview is expressed through the symbol of the circle. The circle is the first design Gchi-Manido drew on the darkness of the universe before creation began (Partridge, 2010). All life begins in the east and progresses around the circle and “…all life maintains and operates within this circular and cyclical pattern” (Partridge, 2010, pg. 38). All life is cyclical – human and non-human life operates in this circular fashion (Dumont, 1989; Black Elk, in Black Elk Speaks as told through John G. Neihardt, 2014). Aboriginal culture recognizes natural law. Time was marked by the changing seasons and the rising and setting of the sun, rather than by numbers, and their existence was marked by an acceptance of and respect for their natural surroundings and their place in the scheme of things. The thinking of Aboriginal peoples was cyclical, rather than linear like that of the Europeans. Everything was thought of in terms of its relation to the whole, not as individual bits of information to be compared to one another. Aboriginal philosophy was holistic, and did not lend itself readily to dichotomies or categories as did European philosophy. So, for Aboriginal people, their rights were—and still are—seen in broad, conceptual terms (Aboriginal Justice Implementation Commission, 1999).
There are many versions of medicine wheel teachings. These teachings vary from one community to another but there are some foundational concepts that are similar between the various medicine wheel teachings. For example, Medicine Wheels are usually depicted through four directions but also include the sky, the earth and the centre. For Ojibwe people, the colours are yellow (east), red (south), black (west), white (north), Father Sky (blue), Mother Earth (green) and the self (Centre, purple). The medicine wheel reminds us that everything comes in fours – the four seasons, the four stages of life, the four races of humanity, four cardinal directions, etc. The seven stages of life and the seven living teachings (Benton-Banai, 2010) are also represented by these seven directions. According to Toulouse (2018), it was not until the 1960s that the use of colours (red, yellow, black, white, blue, green) appeared in contemporary medicine wheels. Traditional medicine wheels (sacred circles) were often depicted using stones set out in the form of a wheel and included at least two of the following three traits: (1) a central stone cairn, (2) one or more concentric stone circles, and/or (3) two or more stone lines radiating outward from a central point (Royal Alberta Museum, 2018). Indigenous people used medicine wheels to mark significant locations such as places of energy, spiritual and ceremonial grounds, as well as meeting locations, places of meditation, teaching and celebration (Pereda, n.d.).
“All parts of the wheel are important and depend on each other in the cycle of life; what affects one affects all, and the world cannot continue with missing parts. For this reason, the Medicine Wheel teaches that harmony, balance and respect for all parts are needed to sustain life” (Elder Lillian Pitawanakwat, Ojibwe/Potawotami, as cited in Pereda, n.d.)
The circle describes various aspects of life, both seen and unseen. It provides us teachings about how to live life in a good way. Aboriginal people understand the connection to creation and all living things. The four directions remind us of the need for balance in our lives and that we must work on a daily basis to strive for that balance. The following teachings are a synopsis of the medicine wheel teachings provided by Lillian Pitawanakwat-Ba from Whitefish River First Nation (Four Directions, 2006).
According to Pitawanakwat (as cited in Four Directions Teaching, 2006), the centre represents the fire within and our responsibility for maintaining that fire. Pitawanakwat recalls that as a child, her father would ask at the end of the day, “My daughter, how is your fire burning?” In recalling the events of the day, she would reflect on whether she had been offensive to anyone, or whether or not she had been offended. This was an important part of nurturing the fire within as children were taught to let go of any distractions of the day and make peace within ourselves in order to nurture and maintain that inner fire.
The story of the Rose, as told by Pitawanakwat (2006), serves as a reminder of the value of nurturance and the essence of life. According to this story, the Creator asked the flower people, “Who among you will bring a reminder to the two-legged about the essence of life?” The buttercup offered but the Creator refused on the basis that the buttercup was ‘too bright.’ All of the flowers offered their help but were refused. The rose finally offered, stating “Let me remind them with my essence, so that in times of sadness, and in times of joy, they will remember how to be kind to themselves.” So the Creator, planted the seed of the rose and as it grew a little, it sprouted very, very sharp little thorns and eventually it bloomed into a full rose. This teaching reminds us that life is like a rose with the thorns representing life’s journey; the experiences that make us who we are and the rose representing the many times in life when we decay and die only to bounce back again through reflection, meditation, awareness, acceptance and surrender.
According to Pitawanakwat (as cited in Four Directions Teachings, 2006), the springtime, and the spring of life are represented in the east. All life begins in the east; we begin our human life as we journey form the spirit world into this physical world. When we are born into this physical world, the Creator grants four gifts: to pick our own mother and father, and how we are to be born and die. The spirit enters the physical level at conception and is carried in its mother for nine months. When the mother’s water breaks, the spirit enters into the physical world.
The teachings from the east remind us that all life is spirit (the wind, earth, fire, and water – all those things that are alive with energy and movement) and that to honour that life, we offer tobacco in thanksgiving. Prayers of thanksgiving honour all those things that we cannot exist without, for the breath of life, the cycles of time and to be grateful for life. We are especially grateful for natural law. All our teachings come from the natural world around us.
The summer and youth are represented in the southern direction. Summer is a time of continued nurturance. Youth are at a stage in life where they are no longer children and are not quite adults. They may be searching for what they had to leave behind in their childhood and also struggling with their identity. Who am I? Where do I come from? Youth are in the wandering stage of life – wandering and wondering about life. In this direction, we are reminded to look after our spirits by finding that balance within ourselves and to pay attention to what our spirit is telling us. If we listen to our intuition, then the spirit will help to keep us safe. Youth who grow up without spirit nurturance have no direction and are at risk of being exposed to all kinds of dangers and distractions; their spirits have not been nurtured. Youth often search for those people that can provide that nurturance such as Elders. They are starved for the teachings, especially those teachings that provide meaning and purpose. Youth need nurturance, guidance and protection to help them through this transitional phase of their lives.
As youth begin to journey into the next stage of life, they begin to become more accountable and start the planning stage of their lives – planning to be parents, to have a career, etc.
The western direction represents the adult stage of life. Death is also represented in this direction. Death comes in many forms – the end of our physical journey and crossing back into the spirit world; the setting sun and end of the day; or recognition that as old thoughts and feelings die, new ones emerge.
The heart is also represented in the west. The heart helps us to evaluate, appreciate and enjoy our lives. By nurturing our hearts, we create balance in our lives.
The teachings of the north remind us to slow down and rest. The north is referred to as the rest period, a time to be respectful of the need to care for and nurture the physical body. It is also referred to by some as a period of remembrance – a time for contemplation of what has happened in life. Winter is represented in the north – it is a time for rest for the earth. It is also a time of reflection – on being a child, a youth and an adult. Elders, pipe carriers and the lodge keepers, reside in the north. Their teachings help us to embrace all aspects of our beings so that we can feel and experience the fullness of life. Wisdom also resides in the north. Elder’s share their stories in the winter months.
Pitawanakwat relates the story of the first sweat lodge ceremony that happened at Dreamer’s Rock, a sacred place in the Whitefish River First Nation territory, after the ban was lifted that prohibited ceremonies from taking place there. It was at this time that Pitawanakwat was reminded that the spirits (ancestors) were hungry and that they needed to be fed. This was when she organized a community feast and prepared a spirit plate. She offered her tobacco and prayed:
“Grandfathers, grandmothers, ancestors, all our relations: please hear us. We
are here now, have pity on us. We had forgotten to feed you. You have lived a
long time without food, and now we are here to honour you. Please come and
feast with us.” (Pitawanakwat as cited in Four Directions Teachings, 2006)
For Pitawanakwat, this is when she became reconnected to the circle and to her ancestors, and was reminded of her responsibility to nurture her inner spirit and to acknowledge the beauty of the original teachings.
Did you know…
Turtles are featured in many folktales the world over. African folklore views the turtle as the smartest animal. The turtle is viewed as a very powerful symbol in Chinese mythology. For the Lakota, the turtle (ke-ya) spirit symbolizes health and longevity (turtle symbols contained within medicine bags are believed to protect and prolong life). The earlier traditions of the tribe put a beaded turtle on the umbilicus or the crib of newborn girls for protection and long life.
There are similarities in the values and beliefs of all Indigenous peoples across this great territory now known as Canada, yet at the same time there is great diversity in their ways of life, their languages and their relationships with one another. These differences can be attributed in part to the traditional territories in which they live. For example, Indigenous people who live in the far north have had to adapt to the harsher environmental conditions and the resources they have access to are different from those who live in the southern parts of the country.
Long before the arrival of the Europeans, Indigenous peoples lived as distinct societies. Each had their own territorial boundaries; teachings on how to live in harmony with the land they inhabited, language, customs and belief systems, educational system, governance, and common identity. They had their own trade networks and trading routes. They had also developed their own alliances and treaties with each other. These alliances and treaties were formalized through the use of pipe ceremonies and these understandings were documented through the use of a wampum belt.
“Ojibway forms of law, government and social control revealed their superior rationality: their institutions operated through appeal to reason, not coercion, and were more effective than European approaches for maintaining social peace” (Copway (1850) cited in First Nations, First Thoughts, 2009).
The Assembly of First Nations (AFN) has created ‘A Declaration of First Nations’ that describes the relationship that the Original Peoples of this land have with the Creator, the laws that govern their relationship to nature and mankind, as well as their rights and responsibilities with respect to the land they live on. This declaration recognizes their distinct spiritual beliefs, language and culture, and relationship to the land.
Recorded history estimates that the Ojibwe occupied the territories around the Great Lakes as early as 1400, expanding westward until the 1600s (Sultzman, 2000). The Ojibway people were the largest and most powerful of all the tribes inhabiting the Great Lakes region of North America. Despite the fur trade and Indian wars, the Ojibwe peoples continued to expand their territories and by the 1800s they occupied lands in Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Michigan, Minnesota, Michigan, North Dakota, Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. According to Sultzmann (2000), white settlement forcibly removed the Ojibwe from their lands and onto reservations.
Most Ojibwe belong to a cultural grouping known as the Woodlands culture. The Ojibwe people inhabit a great area around the Great Lakes and some have migrated to the plains or to areas further south. This has resulted in the need to adapt to different environmental conditions, which has influenced aspects of life such as art, ceremony and dress. For example, the Ojibwe that migrated towards the southern regions of their territories – Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Ontario – were able to establish larger, more permanent villages and began to cultivate plants such as corn, beans, squash, and tobacco. The Ojibwe people who lived in the northern Great Lakes region had a shorter growing season and poor soil so tended to rely on hunting and gathering for their food sources. They would harvest wild rice and maple sugar. Woodland Ojibwe were skilled hunters and trappers as well as fishermen. Ojibwe people still engage in hunting, trapping and fishing practices although their methods may have changed over the years.
The Ojibwe were very resourceful using what was available from their environment as building materials and for household items. For example, birch bark was used for almost everything: utensils, storage containers, and canoes. Birch bark was also used as a building material to cover the wigwam. It was an excellent building material because it was sturdy, lightweight and portable so that when the family moved it was easy to disassemble their wigwam and re-assemble it in their new location.
Clothing and moccasins were made from the hide of animals, particularly deer and moose, which also served as their food sources. During the winter months, the Ojibwe spent much of their time inside the wigwams. The winter was a time of storytelling and for working on their clothing. The women would decorate their moccasins with quill and moose hair designs, often taking designs from the environment such as floral patterns that are distinctive to the woodland people.
Ojibwe life was centered around the land and the seasons. For example, in the winter months the tribe would separate into their extended family units and travel to their hunting camps. In this way, they could hunt in a specific territory without competition from other hunters and ensure that over-hunting would not occur. In the summer, they would return to their summer homes where fish, wild rice and berries were abundant.
The Greater Sudbury area is situated on the traditional territory of the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek. Like many traditional territories, Atikameksheng has its own stories related to the land and environment that existed long before the arrival of settlers to this area. They had their own system of governance, their own educational systems, their own stories, their own ways of knowing and being and their own ways of relating to the land around them and to the Anishnawbek from surrounding traditional territories. All of this contributes to the unique identity of the peoples from this traditional territory. Similarly, each First Nation community in the surrounding Anishnawbek territories have their own history and stories that set them apart from each other but there are also many similarities between the peoples of the Anishnawbek territories.
The Atikameksheng Anishnawbek are descendents of the Ojibwe, Algonquin and Odawa Nations. In 1850, Chief Shawenekezhik, on behalf of the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek, signed the Robinson-Huron Treaty, granting the British Crown and their people (Royal Subjects) a right to occupy and share the lands of the Anishnawbek. The Robinson-Huron Treaty will be discussed in the next chapter. The Anishnawbek have a special relationship to the land that can be difficult for non-Indiegnous people to understand.
The following excerpt from an Interview with Art Petahtegoose from Atikameksheng Anishnawbek describes the relationship between the Anishnewbek and land including animal and plant life:
At the time when the white man came, was a time when the mind of the Anishnawbek was knowing that language carries within it what the people were living. When we take a look at gift giving and we go out to harvest the moose, go out to harvest the bear, go out to harvest the berries, and go out to harvest the fish, the animal and the berry in being harvested one must not view it as one being more important than the other and that is what you see in the living Anishinabe people. If you’re going to go out to harvest berries there is a need to give tobacco, there is a need to give medicine in return for the taking of that life. When you are looking at land as being a form of life, and look at concepts of death, we really don’t see death we see life giving life. My life is coming from that fish, my life is coming from that plant, my life is coming from that water, so that object is carrying life within it which is able to nurture me (Art Petahtegoose, personal communication 2018).
The early relationships between Indigenous peoples and the settlers is described by McGregor (1999) in his book “Wiigwaaskingaa.” Fur trade in the interior areas covered in south-central Ontario resulted from the competition between the French and English fur trading companies. McGregor (1999) indicated that by the early 1500s, beaver pelts had become a precious commodity for the fur trade in the St. Lawrence area and eastward. Overharvesting of beaver left the region depleted. The Wendat (Huron) seized the opportunity to bring beaver pelts from the interior to the trading companies. Samuel de Champlain was among the first French explorers to establish alliances with the Huron and Odawa and to use the trading routes established by Indigenous people. English fur traders soon entered into the pursuit over the monopoly of the fur trade, establishing alliances with the Iroquois which resulted in war between the Iroquois and the Wendat. By the 1780s, the rivalry between the English and the French fur trading companies continued to pit nation against nation for the control of the interior.
According to the history provided by McGregor (1999), one of the first sites of the the Wiigwasskingaa community was at LaCloche Island, named the Bell Rocks (Sinmedweek) because when certain rocks were struck they would ring like a bell. According to oral tradition, these rocks were used as an early warning device to warn of impending attack from nations from the south. Oral tradition indicates that this village was abandoned as they (the villagers) suffered a great tragedy and the dead were buried and the survivors moved away to “Wiigwaaskingaa M’Nising” (Wardrope Island).
By the 1830s, the fur trade was on the wane and was replaced by the timber industry. The villagers began to cut trees for the lumber company. This significantly changed the landscape. At one time, the island was covered with huge birch trees and as time progressed there were fewer trees on the north end of the island.
The signing of the Robinson-Huron Treaty once again promoted a move for the people of Wiigwasskingaa. The villagers were moved to a tract of land (reserve) between two rivers – Whitefish River and Wanabitaseke. In 1906, the community was moved one final time to its present location.
As stated in the previous chapter, according to Nabigon (2006), waabanong (the east) represents new beginnings, new life, vision, birth, food and spring. The teachings associated with this direction are also about feelings. On the positive side of the medicine wheel are good feelings and on the negative side of the medicine wheel, the teachings are related to feeling inferior. The teachings from this direction help us to know and understand each other.
Whether someone comes from the perspective of an Indigenous or non-Indigenous person, it is important to understand the impacts of colonial history. For the Indigenous person, learning about colonial history creates feelings of hurt, anger and possibly shame. For the non-Indigenous person, learning about this history can lead to feelings of remorse and guilt. Some people, whether Indigenous or not, might say that ‘this was a thing of the past’ and prefer to forget about this colonial history.
The Calls to Action from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommend that Canadians move towards reconciliation of this colonial history. This involves learning about this colonial history, the true history, not the history that has been presented in history books. It is about ‘re-righting’ the history from an Indigenous perspective. It is about creating a new beginning in Indigenous/non-Indigenous relations and ‘re-storying’ that colonial history as a step towards reconciliation.
This chapter will look at colonial history including the treaty making era, more specifically the Robinson-Huron Treaty area, the area in which Atikameksheng Anishnawbek and Whitefish River First Nation are situated. We will also examine the impacts of the Indian Act, the residential schools and the child welfare system on Indigenous peoples.
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
Indigenous peoples had organized themselves in federations and confederations through the development of treaties with one another long before the arrival of the Europeans. Treaties were considered sacred and given the highest respect; failure to honour them would result in economic difficulties, political instability, and war (Borrows, 1996). The creation of treaties was not a new concept for Indigenous peoples.
The earliest forms of treaties that have occurred between the settlers and Indigenous peoples in Canada took the form of diplomatic relationships in establishing economic and military alliances. Since that time, treaty making has evolved from creation of alliances to peace and friendship treaties, to land transfer agreements, and finally to the comprehensive land claim agreements that currently take place between the Crown and Indigenous peoples. The wide-ranging, long-standing impacts of these treaties are still affecting the relationships between Canada and Indigenous peoples today.
The Two-Row Wampum Belt (Guswentah) has become known as one of the earliest peace and friendship treaties. The terms of this treaty, made with the Dutch in 1613, signify agreement to live in peace and an understanding that neither would interfere with the internal government of the other. Another peace and friendship treaty was negotiated between the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet peoples of the east coast. Under this treaty, the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet were assured that their religious practices would be undisturbed in return for the promise of peaceful relations. There have been three major treaty making eras since the 16th century, each marked by a specific type of treaty and each having a significant impact on the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the government of Canada. The first form of treaties that were negotiated between Indigenous peoples and the federal government were the Peace and Friendship treaties (1725-1752). These first treaties were negotiated between European nations and First Nations people in order to establish peace and cooperation. There were no land cessions until the 1752 and 1760-61 treaties were signed where a specific trade clause was included. The purpose of these treaties were to re-establish normal relations between the parties after military conflicts.
The second major form of treaties were the Land Transfer treaties. This era began with the Proclamation of 1763, which opened the way to enter into negotiations focused on land transfers. Initially the land transfer treaties were negotiated with the intent of peaceful establishment of an agricultural colony as well as to compensate the allies of First Nations for their losses incurred during the war with the Americans. Later, the nature of the land transfer treaties changed in response to an expanding settler population and the need for more farming land, as well as natural resources such as forestry and mining. Land transfer treaties in Ontario were enacted between 1764-1930 with the intent of encouraging more farming and mining.
The third period of treaty making began in 1973 with the Calder Case, a Supreme Court decision which affirmed Indigenous land rights. This lead to the development of land claims agreements. The purpose of these agreements was to settle outstanding land claims. These agreements also recognize Indigenous rights to self-government.
The interactive timeline below presents some maps that show the various treaty areas of the historical treaties of Canada, pre-1975:
An interactive or media element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: https://ecampusontario.pressbooks.pub/movementtowardsreconciliation/?p=250
Click on the following link to access the timeline in a new window:
The Seven Years War (1756–63) (the War of Conquest) was a culmination of a century-long battle between France and Britain for domination of North America and world supremacy. The Seven Years War is significant because it is the first global war (Europe, India, and America) fought at both land and sea and it was a crucial turning point in Canadian history.
In North America, the state of war between the French and the British had been going on since 1754. Early in the war, the French (aided by Canadian militia and Indigenous allies) were defeating the British, having captured a number of their forts. On the European front, the Seven Years War pitted the major powers of Britain (allied with Prussia and Hanover) against France (allied with Austria, Sweden, Saxony, Russia, and eventually Spain). Britain concentrated its efforts in Europe but its main aim was to destroy France as a commercial rival, therefore Britain focused its efforts on attacking the French navy and colonies in North America. France, on the other hand, was committed to fighting in Europe (defending Austria), leaving few resources to defend the North American colonies. Huge amounts of money, material and men had been invested in this conflict, leaving both powers exhausted.
In 1758, The British were successful in capturing Louisbourg. They also captured Québec City in 1759 and Montréal in 1760. In 1763, the Treaty of Paris of 1763, formally ceded Canada to the British. Thus, the Seven Years War lay the foundation for biculturalism in Canada.
After the Seven Years War, Britain was the dominant European power in North America, controlling all commercial fur trade but not having full control over the continent. Britain needed to create stable, peaceful relations with First Nations people if they were to remain successful in controlling the colonies. In 1763, King George III issued a Royal Proclamation announcing how the colonies would be administered. Under this proclamation, all lands to the west became the “Indian Territories”; Indian people reserved all unceded territories or land purchased from them, settlement or trade could occur only with the permission of the Indian Department, and only the Crown could purchase land provided there was official sanction from interested Indian people in a public meeting. The Royal Proclamation is significant because it was the first time that Indian rights to lands and title were recognized.
The need by the British government to stabilize the western frontier was fueled by news that an Odawa chief Obwandiyag (also known as Pontiac) was organizing an Indigenous confederacy to demonstrate that Indigenous peoples were still masters of their ancestral lands, despite the British victory over the French army. Pontiac organized an alliance with the Potawatomis and Hurons, convincing them that if they did not stand together, the British would destroy them through malady, small pox or poison. Pontiac’s short lived war of one month sent the British reeling after a series of victories. The British threatened the Indigenous people with smallpox. This resulted in the disintegration of Pontiac’s alliances. Pontiac’s war is significant in that Pontiac foresaw the problems that would impact Indigenous peoples for generations to come.
Up until the late 18th century, commercial and military needs continued to form the basis of the relationship between First Nations people and the Crown. The British government recognized the powerful position of the Indigenous peoples and realized that Indigenous interests needed protection if British commercial interests were to flourish in the interior.
The American War of Independence and the subsequent recognition of the United States of America in 1783 severely impacted the relationship between the British and Indigenous peoples. The loss of the war resulted in approximately 30,000 United Empire Loyalist refugees seeking new land for settlement in the remaining British colonies in North America. In addition, Indigenous people who had fought alongside the British, especially the Six Nations of the Iroquois Confederacy, were also dispossessed by the war. This resulted in the development of a series of land surrender treaties along the St. Lawrence River and down around the Great Lakes, allowing for peaceful establishment of an agricultural colony. At the same time, Indigenous allies were compensated for their losses through the establishment of two reserves for the Six Nations, one at the Bay of Quinte, and the other along the Grand River in an effort to maintain military alliances between the British and Indigenous peoples. This is significant because it strengthened alliances between the British and the Indigenous peoples. When the War of 1812 broke out, Indigenous peoples fought alongside the British to protect against the invasion of the Americans in what is now known as southern Ontario.
Prior to the 1850s, the majority of treaty making in what is now known as Ontario focused exclusively on the Southern Great Lakes and the St. Lawrence River. The need to develop treaties in the Upper Great Lakes was driven by the need for new lands for agricultural settlement and the growing interest from mining companies to explore the lands of the Upper Great Lakes for possible mineral deposits.
Beginning in the 1840s, mining companies sought and acquired licenses from the colonial government to mine in the region even though there were no treaties surrendering the lands. The Anishinaabek of the Upper Great Lakes firmly believed the colony had no rights to the lands. In 1847, to remedy the situation, they petitioned the Governor General for compensation for the lands lost to mining. In 1848, after an investigation into their complaints, the colonial government recommended that treaty negotiations for the lands of the Lakes Superior and Huron watershed take place. In 1849, a violent clash erupted between the First Nations warriors and miners at Batchawana Bay, forcing the colonial officials to move quickly to address the claim and a treaty meeting was scheduled for late summer 1850. The result of this meeting was the signing of the Robinson-Huron Treaty. This treaty covers a large area from the shores of Batchawana Bay on Lake Superior to the shores of Lake Huron, an area that ranges from Sault Ste. Marie eastward and south to Penetanguishene, inclusive of the Sudbury/Manitoulin region of Ontario.
The Robinson Treaty was named after William Benjamin Robinson, a former fur trader from the Muskokas who was tasked with buying up as much land as possible in the upper lakes watershed including the north shore of Lake Huron and the eastern shore of Lake Superior. In the fall of 1850, after an exploratory trip through the proposed surrender lands around Lakes Huron and Superior, Robinson began treaty negotiations with Indigenous communities in the Sault Ste. Marie area. Robinson was prepared to offer a one time payment of £4,000 and a £1,000 per annum thereafter for the territory around the lakes. This offer was refused by the Indigenous leaders of Indigenous nations living around Lake Huron. who had requested a £10 per person annuity and also a large reserve tract. Since Robinson could not persuade the Lake Huron nations to change their position, he negotiated a separate treaty with the Lake Superior nations and then used the Lake Superior treaty as leverage to open negotiations with the Lake Huron nations, indicating that those nations that did not sign would not receive anything.
The differences between the Robinson treaties and preceding ones that were negotiated in Upper Canada is that instead of negotiating for small parcels of land, the Robinson treaties involved the surrender of huge tracts of land with different and disparate groups. In addition, the annuity payments negotiated with the Robinson Treaties changed from yearly lump sum payments to yearly payments in cash going to individual band members. Other terms negotiated were the setting aside of reserve lands for each individual signing group, as well as hunting and fishing rights throughout the treaty territory so long as there was no mining and resource development or settlement. The Robinson treaties were the first treaties to bundle all these elements together effectively, becoming the model upon which subsequent treaties were negotiated.
According to Darrell Boissoneau (ONgov, 2017), president of Shingwauk Kinoomaage Gamig and member of the Bawating (Garden River) community, pre-confederation treaties are treaties that were made before Canada existed. Bawating is the community where the Robinson-Huron Treaty was signed. The pre-confederation treaties are living documents because they were signed in sacred ceremonies. Boissoneau recalls a different version of the development of the Robinson-Huron Treaty making process which is slightly different from the version told from the government perspective. Chief Shingwauk, from Bawating, instigated the treaty. There was some mining development in Mica Bay, in the northern region of Lake Superior, that was happening without the consent of the Anishinaabe people. Chief Shingwauk had petitioned the government to negotiate a treaty but the treaty wasn’t forthcoming quickly enough so he canoed up to Mica Bay with some warriors and scared the miners with a few shots from a cannon. This action pressured the government to enter into treaty negotiations.
Indigenous people were mining well before the arrival of the Europeans. They used various minerals to fabricate tools, weapons, art and other artifacts. There is also evidence that copper trading existed in the Lake Superior area approximately 6000 years ago. As early as 700-1000 BP (Before Present), the Little Passage people (Beothuks) developed chert beds and used the chert (a rock very similar to flint) to make arrowheads and other tools such as scrapers and knives (Pastore, 1998). Indigenous people were also mining silver in the Cobalt area approximately 200 years before arrival of the Europeans.
Greater Sudbury, one of the world’s major mining industries, is known for its large deposits of nickel, copper, palladium, gold and other metals. More recently is the discovery of Chromium. Why is Greater Sudbury so rich in all these metals? Approximately 1.8 billion years ago, a comet collided with the planet forming what is now known as the Sudbury Basin: a crater that is 39 miles long, 19 miles wide and 9.3 miles deep. Greater Sudbury is also known for being one of the locations having the best agricultural land in Northern Ontario due to the high mineral content of the floor of the basin.
Mining occured in the Greater Sudbury area long before the settlers arrived and before the development of the mining industry.There is archeological evidence that the Plano cultures that existed approximately 11,000 years ago used quartzite mined in the Sheguiandah area to fashion tools and weapon heads (Jewiss, 1983). Subsequently, the Northern Shield Cultures used copper and silver to make tools, weapons and jewelry for trade. The minerals that were extracted by these early cultures also provided opportunity for trade relations between other Indigenous cultures thus establishing trade routes throughout Northern Ontario.
According to the Sudbury Mining Journal (1890), mining in Greater Sudbury was discovered accidentally by a young man named McConnell when he got lost while out looking for timber for the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Sudbury Mining Journal contains a wealth of information about mining in Sudbury – the development of the mines; uncertainty about the permanency of mining; the location and range of minerals; the impact of mining laws; the need for a mining act that would encourage people to stay in Canada; the land entitlement process; and a look into a prospectors life.
The following excert from an Interview with Art Petahtegoose from Atikameksheng Anhisnawbek (2018) describes the differences in how Anishinawbek view the land and how the land is viewed by non-Indigenous people. The impact of not understanding the importance of the relationship to the land can have deveasting effects on peoples ability to survive. For example, the gold mine that was operating on Long Lake in the 1900s and again in the 1930s operating on Atikameksheng Anishinabek territory created high levels of arsenic that was leaching into the surrounding waters affecting the recreational area for both the Anishnawbek and non-Indigenous people in the area.
“When we think about what was here before coming into contact with European nations there was a level of thought that was very abstract yet at the same time very sustaining for our population that gave us a way to live on the land, which kept the land green. So we end up living with the lakes and the waters and the land, and what has shifted has a lot to do which he practices in living. So when we look at industry, the hope is that industry will go green. It is going to take some time to get there because technology that we rely on to keep nature green will become better. But if we look at Vale as one example, back in the 1960 time, the hurting years of the Milling operation when they were smelting on the open ground of the ore as it is run through the plant and they are extracting the gold and the nickel and other metals, the toxic gases and run-offs which was emitted through the burning on the rock began to kill the rivers and vegetation. The space where we live and the beings we are have been put into a very narrow niche in surviving, and we have become dependent on that niche but if we start turning that thought upside down we threatened ourselves that kind of understanding is in what is in our way of seeing. Our place in the cosmos is very delicate, so the ultimate question is what do we do? The teachings become important, understanding what that teaching is saying we have got to be able to translate it from our language into forms which can be shared to the modern world. we have to get out of the fear because it is something that our parents did not have, they begin to self doubt. We should not doubt ourselves with the teachings because there is a knowledge there that we need to appreciate.” (Art Petahtegoose, personal communication, 2018)
The relationship between the British and Indigenous peoples changed fundamentally after the War of 1812. Indigenous peoples were no longer needed as military allies. New ideas about this relationship began to take hold. Ideas of British superiority began to emerge fueled by missionaries who believed that Indigenous peoples were ‘savage.’ The role of the government shifted from acknowledging the original peoples of the territories to one where the original peoples were in need of being saved. The government felt that it was their duty to bring Christianity and agriculture to Indigenous peoples. This task became the responsibility of the Indian Department, whose role shifted from solidifying military alliances to encouraging Indigenous peoples to abandon their traditional ways of life in favour of becoming more agricultural and sedentary, just like the British. The Indian Act was created to assimilate Indigenous peoples into mainstream society and contained policies intended to terminate the cultural, social, economic, and political distinctiveness of Indigenous peoples.
To be federally recognized as an Indian either in Canada or the United States, an individual must be able to comply with very distinct standards of government regulation… The Indian Act in Canada, in this respect, is much more than a body of laws that for over a century have controlled every aspect of Indian life. As a regulatory regime, the Indian Act provides ways of understanding Native identity, organizing a conceptual framework that has shaped contemporary Native life in ways that are now so familiar as to almost seem “natural.” (Lawrence, 2003)
The Indian Act originally administered by the Indian Department through Indian Agents has gone through numerous amendments since its creation in 1876. It is now administered by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC), formerly the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND). The Indian Act (1876) is a Canadian federal law that granted the federal government exclusive rights to create legislation regarding Indian status, bands and Indian reserves (Milloy, 2008). In other words, who qualifies to be “Indian.” Under this legislation, the federal government regulated every aspect of life for registered Indians and reserve communities ranging from the imposition of governing structures such as band councils, to control over the rights of Indians to practice their culture and traditions.
Take some time to explore one of the resources identified in the expanding your knowledge section below about the Indigenous perspective on the Indian Act.
Prior to contact, Indigenous peoples had their own rich bodies of knowledge. There was an understanding of the special relationship between knowledge holders/keepers and those seeking knowledge. Knowledge was transmitted from one generation to another through the passing of stories through oral tradition. Indigenous people understood the importance that the next generation played in linking the past and the future. Children were raised with the understanding that they would have a responsibility to carry forward our oral history and our culture to the next generation. Unless you understand the incredible value of the system that existed before the imposition of residential school system, you can never truly understand what was taken from Indigenous peoples.
The residential school system was a powerful force introduced by the church and the government to ‘do away with the Indian Problem.’ The belief was that if you could disconnect the child from their influences (family and community) and instill a different belief system, then they could be absorbed into the ‘body politic.’ In other words, they would become like everyone else.
Sir Hector-Louis Langevin was among the first architects of the residential schools system, which was designed to assimilate Indigenous children into Euro-Canadian culture. In 1883, Langevin presented a proposal to develop three “Indian industrial schools” in the North-West Territories based on the success of these schools in the United States. His model included separation from their parents in order for the schools to be effective:
“The fact is, that if you wish to educate those children you must separate them from their parents during the time they are being educated. If you leave them in the family they may know how to read and write, but they still remain savages, whereas by separating them in the way proposed, they acquire the habits and tastes — it is to be hoped only the good tastes — of civilized people.” (Désilets & Skikavich, 2017, Residential Schools section, para. 2)
An article by CBC news (2017), reports that Indigenous leaders want the name Langevin removed from the block that houses the Prime Minister’s Office, citing that it is named after a strong proponent of the Indian Residential School system. Langevin strongly believed that residential schools were the most expeditious way to assimilate First Nations children into Euro-Canadian society. Indigenous MPs stated that the block should be renamed so that this constant reminder of the devastating effects of the residential schools is removed.
The first residential school in New France (what is now known as Quebec) was established in 1620 by the Recollets – a religious order from France whose ultimate goal was to christianize and civilize (Miller, 1996). Following the Royal Proclamation of 1763, Indigenous leaders such as Peter Jones, John Sunday and Chief Shingwauk envisioned an education system based on partnership and mutual benefit that would place Indigenous people on terms with non-Indigenous people, allowing for meaningful participation in society. However, this view was not supported by all. The government of the day, along with focus on religious instruction and agriculture, proposed an educational system that would assimilate Indigenous people into mainstream society.
The imposition of the Indian Act was the first attempt of the government to assimilate Indigenous people into mainstream society. When this did not happen, the policy shifted to placement of children in residential schools in order to assimilate them into colonial culture. In 1920, an amendment to the Indian Act (1876) made attendance at state-sponsored schools mandatory for all school age children; this was enforced by truant officers. Living conditions in residential schools were horrendous with children living in overcrowded, underfunded facilities resulting in widespread disease and many preventable deaths (Bryce, 1922; Milloy, 1999). In addition, Indigenous children were also subject to widespread sexual abuse (Milloy, 1999; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996).
Art Petahtegoose (personal communication, 2018) tells a different story of the residential school and the impacts that it had in his community as told to him by his father. In his version of the story, residential schools were put in place because Indigenous people were viewed as a threat to the economy. The Indigenous way of life is not a threat if one understands Anishnawbe teachings and how these teachings provide guidance for living life in a good way. Petahtegoose also talks about reconnecting to Mother Earth as a way of healing from the pain and suffering that resulted from that residential school experience.
Our children being put into the residential schools and the people being subjected to that Indian Act law, the school and that law were designed to erase those knowledge systems, those world views because they were viewed as a threat to the economy. This is in part of what we faced and what we saw and interpreted, it is not a threat and if you take time to study and look closely what is carried within those teachings you begin to see that judgment was made without having gone through those considerations. That’s what we faced in the church, the church that was brought to us, was imposed and our people question what do you think you were doing? There was no consideration and the settlers had said that was just us, and we cannot live like that. My father would always remind the priest or government agent about the way I am living, I am happy with, the way that I have been nurtured, what I understand, is what I know. I know nothing of your government or about your church, what I have seen coming from them has been causing me pain and to recover from that pain I go out into the land and connect with Mother Earth. (Art Petahtegoose, personal communication, 2018)
The following link takes you to a CBC news article about the demands from Indigenous leaders to change the name of Langevin Block, the office of the Prime Minister on Parliament Hill:
Indigenous Leaders Want to Strip Name of Residential School Proponent from Langevin Block
For more information on the residential schools, visit the following link:
Legacy of Hope Foundation
Take some time to view the ‘Where are the children’ video available from the following link, which is a story of the history of residential schools:
Where Are the Children? Healing the Legacy of the Residential Schools (27:49)
A silenced voice is now speaking! The following video shares the stories of Richard Hall & Verna Grozier and their attitudes towards the residential school experience. This video contains some disturbing material about the residential school experience:
Our Stories… Our Strength
The following link provides a timeline about the residential schools in Canada:
100 Years of Loss
“Speaking My Truth” is a compilation of stories as told by survivors of the residential school system. These insights into the residential school experience help one to truly understand the devastating impacts of this system on the lives of Indigenous people. The impacts do not erase with time. Indigenous people live with the experience on a daily basis. It affects their lives and the lives of people around them. These stories are difficult to read and one may feel shame about their ancestor’s role in the experience. However, according to Rogers (2012), to feel no shame would be a real shame. Be prepared for graphic stories and seek help from professionals if the stories impact you on an emotional level.
Speaking my Truth: Reflections on Reconciliation & Residential School
The following is a useful education guide:
Residential Schools in Canada – Education Guide
Indigenous families and communities had their systems for caring for their children based on their cultural practices, laws, and traditions. Children were viewed as gifts from the creator and the parents’ responsibility was to raise the spirit of the child. Extended family were closely involved in the raising of the child. Traditional child rearing practices were disrupted by the imposition of colonial policies such as the Indian Act and the establishment of the residential school system.
According to Milloy (1999), in addition to being a force of assimilation, the residential schools served as mechanisms for state care for neglected and abused Indigenous children. When the residential school system began to phase out during the second half of the 20th century, responsibility for Indigenous child welfare shifted to the child welfare system.
In 1951, the Indian Act was amended to include the “general law of applicability” (Section 88), which meant that provincial or territorial child welfare legislation could now be applied on-reserve. Initially, the provinces and territories could intervene on-reserve only in extreme emergencies. Under this new arrangement, the allocation of federal funds now allowed for the delivery of provincial and territorial support for on-reserve services. The result was a massive and permanent removal of Indigenous children from their homes and communities and placement in foster care and/or adoption. According to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996), over 11,000 Indigenous children were adopted between 1960 and 1990, a period coined the ‘Sixties Scoop.’
In response to the wide scale removal of Indigenous children from their homes and communities, as well as the horrific treatment of Indigenous children by provincial and territorial child welfare authorities, Indigenous groups began to explore the possibility of developing their own on-reserve, federally funded child welfare agencies (Auditor General of Canada, 2008).
In 1979, Northern Ontario Indian Bands began to raise concerns about the increasing numbers of Indigenous children in the care of Children’s Aid Societies. In December 1981, in response to these concerns, the Chiefs of Ontario endorsed the following Resolution:
“That the child welfare agencies of Ontario and Manitoba shall not remove our children from our reserves and shall return to their Bands those of our children whom they have removed in the past; and that we the Indian Nations in Ontario shall create our own Indian Child Welfare laws, policies and programs, based on the protection of the family and the preservation of their Indian culture within the Indian family.” (Dilico Anishinabek Family Care, 2018)
First Nations child and family service agencies have been in existence since the early 1980s. In Northern Ontario, Weechi-it-te-win Family Services was the first Indigenous organization to receive its child welfare mandate in 1983. Anishinaabe Abinoojii Family Services has been providing prevention services since 1986 and was the first mandated children’s aid society on reserve in the province of Ontario in 1991. Dilico Ojibway Child and Family Services received its mandate as a Native Children’s Aid Society in 1995.
In 1995, Kina Gbezghomi Child and Family Services, whose head office was located in Wikwemikong, was in the process of applying for society mandate but this was put on hold because the Ministry of Community, Family and Children’s Services, in collaboration with Indian Northern Affairs Canada, initiated a review of all Native Child Welfare agencies in Ontario. This affected the five Native agencies providing protection services as well as those that had pre-mandate status. As a result of this review process, the Ministry of Community, Family and Children’s Services issued a “moratorium” halting any future designations of Native Child Welfare agencies in Ontario. Major concerns expressed in the final report related to accountability mechanisms around the transfers of funds and delivery of service from the transferring agent to First Nation communities.
The number of Indigenous child welfare agencies has expanded since the government lifted its moratorium on the designation of new agencies. Indigenous child welfare agencies are challenged with complying with Directive 20-1 (a national funding formula directed at Indigenous child welfare agencies), provincial standards and strict controls on funding. Despite this, there is continued growth in the number of Indigenous child welfare agencies and their scope is expanding to include both on- and off-reserve populations as well.
Indigenous communities are recognizing that western mainstream approaches to child welfare are not working with their members as the developmental theories used fail to acknowledge ‘spirit.’ Indigenous approaches to addressing child welfare issues incorporate the worldview, cultural structures, and cultural attachment opportunities into service provision. Indigenous communities are moving towards a strong culturally restorative, bi-cultural practice model that incorporates both worldviews and their subsequent philosophies (Simard & Blight, 2011).
The following link takes you to the Weechi-it-te-win Family Services website. Take a few minutes to explore this website. What is your first impression of this website? How friendly is the website to Indigenous people?
Weechi-it-te-win Family Services
The teachings of Zhawaanong (the south) include: Time, relationships, youth, and patience. The positive side of the medicine wheel talks about creating good relationships. It takes time to build good relationships with people (Nabigon, 2006). The opposite of building good relationships is described as envy. When people are envious, they are said to want to have what others have but are not willing to work for it. Therefore, to build good relationships one must work for it. Indigenous people have worked hard to create spaces where they can use the gifts that have been given to them – traditions, culture, healing practices, governance systems, and ways of being and knowing. Many non-Indigenous people are drawn to the services offered by Indigenous organizations because of their holistic approaches and their ability to provide culturally relevant programs and services.
Youth are also represented in the southern direction. Adolescence is a time of change – physically, emotionally, spiritually and mentally. Adolescents are in a stage of puberty where bodies are going through many physical changes. This is a time when adolescents are exploring who they are as individuals. The exploration of new relationships and the maintenance of current relationships can be emotionally challenging. Youth are looking for meaning and purpose in life. Traditionally, youth would fast or go on a vision quest to learn about what their role in life would be. At this stage of life, youth become distant from their parents and often challenge their authority. Fortunately, there is a special relationship between the youth and their elders/grandparents. Their elders/grandparents have lived their lives and can draw upon their knowledge and experiences to help youth through this transitional period in their life.
The development of Indigenous organizations has also gone through a similar sort of transitional period from when they were first developed to creating an identity for themselves and developing relationships with the communities that they serve. They have had many lessons in patience as they were developing. Patience with the funding agencies who may not have understood what the agencies were trying to achieve with the development of culturally relevant programming. Often times, these agencies would seek the advice and guidance from their elders to guide the development of their programs. These elders would also provide feedback about how to incorporate their teachings into the programs.
This chapter will look at how Indigenous people have worked to create spaces for people to learn about traditions and culture: traditional healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, Indigenous knowledge systems and Indigenous ways of being. The movement towards greater Indigenous control of programs and services began in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Indigenous people were beginning to organize themselves in response to the growing need for programs and services to respond to the specific needs of their populations. For example, the establishment of the Ontario Federation of Indian Friendship Centers came about as a result of need to provide basic needs (food, clothing and shelter) to growing Indigenous populations in urban settings in Kenora, Thunder Bay, Toronto, London, Parry Sound and Red Lake, Ontario. This group, known as the “original six,” was instrumental in establishing Friendship Centers in Ontario (OFIFC, 2013). Likewise, in the late 1970s and the early 1980s, Indigenous communities concerned over the mass removal of Indigenous children from their homes and communities, the blatant disrespect for tribal authority, and the disregard for Indigenous culture that led to the deterioration of Indigenous family systems began developing their own child and family service agencies (Weechi-it-te-win Family Services, 2018b). Similarly, the Aboriginal Health Access Centers were established in 1994 in response to growing concerns about the systemic health disparities and inequities within the Indigenous population across Ontario.
This chapter will look specifically at the programs and services that are located in the Greater Sudbury and Manitoulin Areas. Learning about the scope of services that are available to Indigenous peoples of this territory and the ways that these services have been able to respond to the impacts of colonial history can create a sense of pride in Indigenous students, faculty and staff and de-mystify some of the stereotypes that exist about Indigenous peoples, programs and services.
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
The image below is a snapshot of the various Indigenous services currently operating in Greater Sudbury. The second image is a zoomed-in snapshot of the various Indigenous services currently operating in the Sudbury Region.
Click on the images of the maps below for a more detailed geographic context.
In 1967, the Nickel Belt Indian Club established the Friendship Centre in Sudbury. Prior to the establishment of the club, the Directors and various members of the club were already doing courtwork and referral work. Once the club was established this work was transferred to the Friendship Centre. Official incorporation of the Friendship Centre under the name “Indian-Eskimo Friendship Centre” did not occur until 1972. Since that time, the Friendship Centre has moved locations four times – the first location was on Ignatius Street, then it moved to Douglas Street, then to Larch Street before moving to its present location on Elm Street. The building on Elm Street was purchased in 1982 since it provided adequate space, which was needed to efficiently serve the Indigenous community.
In 1983, the Friendship Centre officially changed its name to N’Swakamok Native Friendship Centre which translates into “where the three roads meet.” The Friendship Centre is managed by a Board of Directors who are elected by the membership. The Friendship Centre has an open membership and is available to any person or group wishing to join.
The Friendship Centre provides assistance to Indigenous people migrating to or living in the Greater City of Sudbury to enhance quality of life and to help improve their social and economic status through programs and activities that serve the social, cultural and recreational needs of the Indigenous community. The N’Swakamok Native Friendship Centre provides wholistic programming that promotes language and culture as well as collaborating and establishing partnerships with other services with the goal of empowering family and community, thus improving quality of life.
The Assembly of First Nations (AFN) maintains that the overrepresentation of First Nations children within the child welfare systems is an extension of the government’s policy of assimilation enacted through the residential school system in which Indigenous children were systematically removed from their homes, families, traditions and cultures (AFN, 2014; Kozlowski, Sinha, & Richard, 2012). The Canadian government’s policy of assimilation of Indigenous peoples into Canadian society was enacted by the separation of children from their families. Residential schools were the primary mechanism to do this (Milloy, 1999). Amendments to the Indian Act in 1920 made attendance at school (day, residential and institutional) mandatory for all children between the ages of seven and fifteen. To enforce this, truant officers were given the right to enter homes, arrest children and take them to school (Assembly of First Nations, 2014). In cases of abuse or neglect, the Indian agent had the authority to apprehend children and take them to the residential schools.
The addition of Section 88 to the Indian Act in 1951 made “all laws of general application from time to time in force in any province applicable to and in respect of Indians in the province” (Indian Act, s. 88, c. 9, s. 151, 1985). This meant that provincial child welfare legislation could be enforced on-reserve. Child welfare workers now had the authority to begin apprehending on-reserve, sharply increasing the number of Indigenous children in care (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996).
The 1965 Welfare Agreement, a Memorandum of Agreement between the federal and provincial governments, is an arrangement whereby the federal government reimburses the province of Ontario for the cost of delivering child and family services to First Nation children and families on-reserve. According to this agreement, the federal government pays 93% of the costs of child welfare services delivered on-reserve and the provincial government pays the remaining 7% (Government of Canada, 2018). Interestingly, the First Nations communities were not signatories to this agreement (First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada, 2016). The 1965 agreement is responsible for the removal of Indigenous children from their families and communities by non-Indigenous child welfare workers, contributing to the deterioration of Anishinaabe family systems (Weechi-it-te-win Family Services, 2018a).
By the 1970s, First Nations groups, dissatisfied with provincial child welfare programs, publicly demanded greater control of child welfare services and began to develop their own child welfare agencies within their communities (Auditor General of Canada, 2008). In addition, Indigenous communities were concerned about the high number of First Nations children in the care of Children’s Aid Societies in their respective areas. By 1981, the Chiefs of Ontario demanded that all First Nations children in care be returned to their communities and that further removal of First Nations children be stopped (Mandell, Blackstock, Clouston Carlson, & Fine, 2006). By 1984, the Child and Family Services Act that governed child welfare in Ontario formally recognized the rights of First Nations children and included statements that allowed for the development of First Nations child welfare agencies (Mandell et al., 2006).
Indigenous child welfare advocates have been wrestling with the government to create responsive equitable services for Indigenous children, families and communities. On February 23, 2007, Cindy Blackstock, on behalf of the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society (FNCFCS), filed a complaint with the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT) against the government of Canada on the basis that the Government was not providing First Nations children and their families the same level of services that other families in Canada were receiving. One of the complaints was that the services that other families were receiving kept families safely together during hard times, an example of the level of care that was not afforded to First Nations children and families. The year 2017 marks the 10th anniversary of the filing of this complaint (FNCFCS, 2018a).
In January 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal ruled that the Government was discriminating against First Nations children by not providing them equal child welfare services and ordered the discrimination to stop immediately. Small changes were made by the government but this did not result in giving First Nations children and families the services they deserved. The tribunal made three more orders in an effort to get the government to take more action on this. Finally, in February 2018, the tribunal issued another decision, this time listing specific actions and timelines that the government must complete along with a requirement to report back to the tribunal on progress made. In the event of lack of progress, the tribunal can order Canada to do more (FNCFCS, 2018a).
The FNCFCS, the only national non-profit organization serving Aboriginal children and families, was created in 1998 at a national meeting of First Nations Child and Family Service Agencies (FNCFSA) at the Squamish First Nation in British Columbia. The FNCFSA identified a need for an organization that would support them in caring for First Nations children, youth and families by providing research, policy, professional development and networking support. The FNCFCS has brought to the forefront two major issues affecting children and youth – Jordan’s Principle and Shannen’s Dream.
Jordan’s Principle is a child-first principle that ensures that all First Nations children receive access to needed culturally relevant services and that the government of first contact pay for the services and work out reimbursements later so that the child does not get caught up in government red tape. Jordan’s Principle is named in memory of Jordan River Anderson from Norway House Cree Nation in Manitoba, born with complex medical needs and who remained hospitalized for over two years while the provincial and federal governments argued over who was responsible for paying for at home care. He eventually died in hospital, never spending a day in his home.
Shannen’s Dream, a campaign to ensure all First Nations children have “safe and comfy schools” and receive a good quality education, was named in memory of Shannen Koostachin from Attawapiskat First Nation. Shannen was nominated for the International Children’s Peace Prize, given out by the Nobel Laureates for her leadership in advocating for the new school.
In 2000, the Attawapiskat First Nation Education Authority closed the elementary school due to health and safety concerns after thousands of gallons of diesel fuel contaminated the ground under the school. The federal government’s temporary solution was to put portable trailers on the playground of the contaminated school with a promise to build a new school. In response to the closure of the school, the children of Attawapiskat organized the Attawapiskat School Campaign to force the federal government to build a new school in their community. In 2009, nine years later, the new school had not yet been built.
The children in Attawapiskat were able to mobilize children from across Canada to petition the federal government for a new school for Attawapiskat. In 2008, despite the thousands of letters of support from children across Canada, the Minister of Indian Affairs, Chuck Strahl, stated that the federal government could not afford to fund a new school. The Grade 8 students in Attawapiskat selected Shannen and two other students to meet with Minister Strahl to demand a new school. Shannen continued to advocate for a new school even after being told by Minister Strahl that the government could not afford it. In 2009, Minister Strahl promised to build a new school. Finally in 2012, Attawapiskat and the Minister of Aboriginal Affairs announced that a new 5,808-square-metre school would be built at a cost of about $31 million.The School opened in August 2014, 14 years after the children of Attiwapiskat started the Shannen’s Dream campaign.
In the Greater Sudbury/Manitoulin area there are two Indigenous child welfare agencies – Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services and Nogdawindamin Family and Community Services. Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services provides prevention and child welfare services to seven First Nations communities within the Districts of Sudbury & Manitoulin: Sheguiandah First Nation, M’Chigeeng First Nation, Sheshegwaning First Nation, Zhiibaahaasing First Nation, Aundeck Omni Kaning First Nation, Whitefish River First Nation and Wikwemikong Unceded Indian Reserve. Nogdawindamin Family and Community Services provides prevention and protection services to the seven North Shore Tribal Council First Nation communities: Atikameksheng Anishnawbek, Batchewana First Nation, Garden River First Nation, Mississauga First Nation, Sagamok Anishnawbek, Serpent River First Nation and Thessalon First Nation.
Kina Gbezhgomi started out as a Native Child Welfare Prevention Program in 1982. The need to develop child welfare prevention programs grew out of concern for the increasing numbers of Native children in the care of Children’s Aid Societies, particularly in the Districts of Greater Sudbury and Manitoulin. In January of 1984, the Native Child Welfare Prevention Program received support from the United Chiefs and Councils of Manitoulin (UCCM) to initiate the process to develop a Native Child Welfare Agency. After over twenty years of working to prepare its organization to assume the child welfare mandate, Kina Gbezhgomi finally received designation as a Children’s Aid Society on April 1, 2015, allowing them to provide child welfare services to member First Nations within the Districts of Greater Sudbury and Manitoulin.
The vision of Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services states that the agency “will honour and support our family’s and community’s inherent authority to care for their children based on unity, traditions, values, beliefs and customs” (Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services, 2017). Their mission statement states that “Our services ensure children are protected and stay connected with their culture, language and community while strengthening family and community relationships” (Kina Gbezhgomi agency brochure, 2017). Service principles focus on ensuring culturally based services that strengthen cultural identity, supporting children to remain in their communities connected with their roots, culture and language, family centred and family focused services, participation of children, families and communities in all aspects of case planning and decision making, and building relationships with families based on open, honest communication.
Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services operates from a cultural service model that includes offering bi-cultural services, Anishinabek best practices, and strengths-based and family preservation. Cultural services are intended to assist the service user in attaining a balanced and holistic well-being.
Cultural services may include:
Traditional Case Conferencing
Naming Ceremony / Clan and Colours
Traditional Talking or Sharing Circles
Regalia Making for Children / Youth in Care
Purification Ceremonies: Cedar Baths, Sweat Lodge
Fasting Teachings and Ceremony
Coordinate Debriefing and Recovery Sessions
Cultural Camps for Children / Youth-in-Care
Match and Mentorship with an Elder or Traditional Resources (Kina Gbezhgomi, 2017)
Did you know:
The Ministry of Children and Youth services has defined a five (5) phase process that must be completed In order for a First Nations community to become a mandated Child Welfare Authority. These five phases are as follows:
Phase 1 – Assessing Community Interest, Support and Readiness
Phase 2 – Capacity Development, developing the organizational and service delivery capacity to deliver Child Welfare services
Phase 3 – Developing a Transition Plan and begin implementation of service delivery through the Aboriginal delivery organization
Phase 4 – Ministerial Designation
Phase 5 – Sustaining capacity and building on standards and quality of services
( Kina Gbezhgomi Child and Family Services, 2013 )
Nog-da-win-da-min Family and Community Services (NFCS) provides child welfare and prevention services to seven Anishinaabe First Nations communities represented by the North Shore Tribal Council located between Sault Ste. Marie and Sudbury, Ontario. These communities include Whitefish Lake, Sagamok Anishnawbek, Serpent River, Mississauga, Thessalon, Garden River and Batchewana. In 1987, the North Shore Tribal Council established NFCS and Community Services, and later became incorporated as a Child and Family Services organization under Section 194 of the Province of Ontario’s Child and Family Services Act in August 1990. NFCS provides child welfare services, foster care services and family preservation services to its member First Nations (Schmidt et al., 2012).
What makes Nog-da-win-da-min unique? Nog-da-win-da-min provides culturally based services that places the child, family and community at the centre of care. Cultural and traditional approaches are incorporated into and strengthens the circle of care. When needed and/or warranted, external services are brought into the community, meaning that families do not have to leave their communities to access specialized services.
The integration of tradition and culture is a key component of Nogdawindamin’s programming. To aid in integrating tradition and culture, Nogdawindamin receives guidance and support from their Elder’s Council. The Seven Sacred Teachings form the foundation for all aspects of service delivery for the agency. Respect, one of the seven teachings, is integrated into all aspects of service delivery. Inherent in the service delivery model is the importance of knowing Anishinawbe history, language and culture, and its connection to building a strong sense of identity and knowing one’s place in creation.
Nog-da-win-da-min shares a similar story of development as Kina Gbezghomi Child and Family Services. Changes to the Child and Family Services Act (CFSA) in 1984 opened the way for the development of Indigenous child welfare agencies. In 1990, Nogdawindamin become incorporated as a Family and Community agency providing prevention services to its member communities.
In 2006, Bill 210 was passed, making changes to the Child and Family Services Act that is referred to by Nagdawindamin as the ‘customary care declaration 2006’ (Ministry of Children and Youth Services, n.d.). Paragraph 3 of subsection 1 (2) of the Child and Family Services Act states:
To recognize that children’s services should be provided in a manner that,
(Legislative Assembly of Ontario, 2006)
How do the developments in the Indigenous child welfare contribute to the creation of spaces for people to learn about traditions and culture, traditional healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, Indigenous knowledge systems and Indigenous ways of being?
Take some time to explore news articles about Indigenous child welfare. A good site to explore is CBC news. This following link brings you to a specific search for the terms Indigenous Child Welfare:
What are some of the statistics about Indigenous children in care?
What are some of the concerns being raised as a result of the numbers of Indigenous children in care?
How has reading about the state of Indigenous child in care changed your perspective?
In 1994, the Aboriginal Healing and Wellness Strategy conducted a consultation with First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities that resulted in Ontario’s Aboriginal Health Policy. Concerns were raised about the systemic health disparities and inequities within the Indigenous population across Ontario. The response was the development of Aboriginal community-led primary health care. The following year, Ontario’s Aboriginal Health Access Centres (AHACs) started to open their doors. By 2000, there were ten AHACs in operation across Ontario, providing services both on and off reserve, and in urban, rural and northern locations.
All ten AHACs operate from a holistic Aboriginal health framework that focuses on “culture as treatment,” meaning the restoration and re-balancing of the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual well-being of Aboriginal people, families, communities and Nations. AHACs provide a combination of traditional healing, primary care, cultural programs, health promotion programs, community development initiatives, and social support services to First Nations, Métis and Inuit communities. Services range from clinical care to integrated chronic disease prevention and management, family-focused maternal/child health care, addictions counselling, traditional healing, mental health care, youth empowerment and other programs.
In Greater Sudbury, Shkagamik-Kwe Health Centre (SKHC) is the AHAC providing equitable access to quality health care for First Nation, Métis and Inuit individuals and their families living in the City of Greater Sudbury, as well as those residing in Henvey Inlet, Magnetawan and Wahnapitae First Nations. SKHC (2017) “is dedicated to balanced and healthy lifestyles through quality, holistic, culturally-relevant health services to the First Nations, Métis and Inuit individuals and their families…” This is done through the creation and delivery of culturally safe health services aimed at prevention, treatment, support and aftercare that combines western and traditional health practices. Health practice is guided by the teachings of the Seven Sacred Grandfathers: Wisdom, Love, Respect, Bravery, Honesty, Humility and Truth.
SKHC follows a “Woven Blanket Model of Care” that recognizes the clients’ ability to determine their health care providers. There is flexibility built into this model of care in that team members have the flexibility to “cross cover” and “back up” others as required. This allows team members to fill in when a client’s principal provider is away. Although clients may be assigned a principal primary care provider (e.g., nurse practitioner, physician assistant or physician), the team is there to ensure that the client receives holistic and comprehensive care. In the Woven Blanket Model of Care, “Client Navigators” are responsible for coordinating client care. They communicate with “principal providers” and other resource people and advocate on behalf of the client at regular team meetings to ensure that team members are aware of issues and that appropriate responses can be made for client care. The client navigator ensures that services are offered in a culturally safe environment and that services are respectful of the client’s traditional values and unique needs.
Teachings that lie in Epingiishmag (the western) direction are about respect and reason (Nabigon, 2006). According to Nabigon (2006), the word ‘respect’ is made up of two words from the English language –‘re’ meaning again and ‘spect’ meaning to look at. When we meet people for the first time, we develop a first impression of them but we do not develop ‘respect’ for them until we get to see them for a second time. To gain respect for someone, we need to get to know them at a deeper level. The re-emergence of Indigenous knowledge and culture is reflected in changes in policy reaching as far back as the 1970s when Indigenous leaders began to assert ‘Indian Control of Indian Education’ (AFN, 2010). In 2010, Indigenous leaders, recognizing that not much has changed with respect to challenges facing Indigenous communities with respect to education, reaffirmed and updated the 1970s policy to First Nations Control of First Nations Education (AFN, 2010). More recently, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action (2015), made recommendations dealing with the elimination of education and employment gaps of Aboriginal peoples and the discrepancies in educational funding. These policy changes are aiding Indigenous peoples to claim space in education, health, corrections, and political systems.
Another teaching situated in the western direction is about reason. Reason refers to the ability to think, comprehend and understand. In terms of growth and development, the Medicine Wheel teachings in the western direction represent the adult stage of life. It is in this direction that individuals begin to think about planning their lives. Some people will become parents and make the decision to have children. Parents now have the added responsibility of caring, nurturing and educating their children. In applying the teachings of Epingiishmag to the educational system the focus shifts to how Indigenous knowledge systems and Indigenous ways are being integrated into that system. This chapter examines developments in the education system such as the development of the Indigenous Studies Program at the University of Sudbury, the School of Indigenous Relations, the Maamwizing Indigenous Research Institute and the appointment of Canada’s first Canada Research Chair specializing in Indigenous Health at Laurentian University, and how these developments are contributing to the growth of Indigenous scholars.
The last section of this chapter highlights the work being conducted by the Union of Ontario Indians in the development of the Anishinabek Nation Child Well-Being Law (ANCWBL). The introduction of this new law is an example of how Anishinabek people are reclaiming jurisdiction over the well-being of their own children, families and communities. Anishinabek people are developing a child well-being system based on traditional teachings, culture and healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, and Indigenous ways of knowing and being.
Highlighting these examples draws attention to the resurgence of traditional health and social systems. These examples aid in creating greater understanding of the importance of cultural teaching, healing practices and ways of knowing and being for Indigenous peoples. By highlighting these examples, it is hoped that non-Indigenous people can build a deeper respect for these practices, thereby creating the space for reconciliation to occur.
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
Share your growing knowledge of Indigenous issues.
Describe how Indigenous scholars are contributing to meaningful change in Indigenous education.
Describe how Indigenous organizations are incorporating traditional teachings, culture and healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, and Indigenous ways of knowing and being into service delivery.
Understand the relationship of Indigenous teachings to the change process
Incorporate your knowledge into your practice/teaching/studies.
The image below is a snapshot of two of the locations mentioned in this chapter. Laurentian University and the University of Sudbury, home to Greater Sudbury’s growing population of current and future Indigenous scholars.
Click on the image of the map below for a more detailed geographic context.
“Our youth need to learn respect for the land and to connect with the land, and the berries, and the fish, and the animals. This is why the idea of having our own School becomes important, exploring what are you going to learn in your school that connects you to your culture and the teachings. Families in our community are beginning to realize the necessity to having our own schools.” (Art Petahtegoose, 2018)
In 1972, The National Indian Brotherhood (now known as the Assembly of First Nations, AFN) adopted the Indian Control of Indian Education (ICIE) policy which was affirmed by the Minister of Indian Affairs at that time, Jean Chrétien. Firstly, this new policy called for a radical change in Indian education. This policy reclaimed the right of Indian parents to direct the education of their children. Secondly, the policy called for local control of education in which local education authorities would assume responsibility for all aspects of the education system (budgeting, spending and establishing priorities, determining the types of school facilities based on the unique needs of the community, hiring staff, curriculum development, maintenance of physical plant, adult education and upgrading courses, negotiating education agreements, education program evaluation, and provision of counselling services) (AFN, 2010). The move to adopt ICIE was viewed as a way to improve learning outcomes for Indian children and to help eradicate poverty.
However, since 1972, the full spirit and intent of the ICIE policy was never supported by the federal government in any meaningful way. Funds were never allocated by the federal government to fully implement the comprehensive learning environments and systems envisioned by First Nations leadership and educators. In 2010, the AFN Chiefs Committee on Education (CCOE) and the National Indian Education Council (NIEC), recognizing that the challenges identified in 1972 remained relevant and that the underlying principles of the ICIE 1972 policy still applied, recommended that the 1972 ICIE policy be updated. At the AFN General Assembly in July 2009, the mandate was given to revise the policy. The revised document, First Nations Control of First Nations Education 2010, reaffirmed the First Nations’ vision of lifelong learning and reasserted the First Nations’ inherent Aboriginal and Treaty rights to education (AFN, 2010).
More recently, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action identifies seven calls to action that deal specifically with education (TRC, 2015). These calls deal with the elimination of educational and employment gaps, address the discrepancies in education funding, spread awareness about the income and educational attainments of Aboriginal people compared to non-Aboriginal people in Canada, and draft new Aboriginal educational legislation that include a commitment to sufficient funding. Interestingly, this new legislation contains some of the same elements as the NFCFNE 2010: greater parental and community responsibility, control and accountability, parental participation in children’s education, and respecting and honouring Treaty relationships.
Since the 1970s with the introduction of the Indian Control of Indian Education policy document by the National Indian Brotherhood, Indigenous communities have been attempting to take greater control over their educational systems. Indigenous communities continue to struggle with similar challenges today.
Why do you think those challenges persist?
What will it take on the part of the federal government for significant changes to be made?
Do some research on your own about developments in Indigenous education systems.
What evidence demonstrated that greater control by Indigenous communities over their own educational systems will enhance the quality of life for Indigenous peoples?
What else needs to happen in Indigenous education for meaningful change to occur?
For more information on ‘First Nations control of First Nations Education,. It’s Our Vision, It’s Our Time ’ go to the following website:
First Nations Control of First Nations Education: It’s Our Vision, It’s Our Time (July 2010)
“In most of our institutions right now we have an incredibly small number of Indigenous scholars. If we’re going to make real change in Indigenous health, we need to continue to work to address the structural inequality.” (Chantelle Richmond in CBC News, 2018).
The Native Studies Department at the University of Sudbury was established in 1977 in response to the 1968 Hall-Dennis Report on educational reform in Ontario. Recommendation 123 of the report called for the establishment of Canadian Indian Studies Institute in an Ontario university. The Native Studies Department was chaired by Dr. Edward Newbery. There were three Indigenous faculty members: professors James Dumont and Thomas Alcoze, and lecturer Edna Manitowabi. James Dumont, Onaubinisay (Walks Above the Ground), an Ojibway from Shawanaga First Nation, is credited for shaping the curriculum of the program through the creation of courses such as Tradition and Culture, Native Psychology, Native Way of Seeing, Native Education, and Issues of Indigenous Peoples in the International Context. In 2013, the Native Studies Department was renamed the Department of Indigenous Studies. Mary Ann Corbiere was added to the faculty complement in 1989.
The Native Human Services – Honours Bachelor of Social Work was developed in 1988 at Laurentian University in the Faculty of Professional Schools. Visionaries Anne-Marie Mawhiney from the School of Social Work and Thomas Alcoze from the Native Studies Department presented the idea of a culturally relevant social work program that would provide social workers with the skills, knowledge and experience to work appropriately with Aboriginal communities to Chiefs from 22 Robinson-Huron communities. Mawhiney and Alcoze received support from the Chiefs to conduct community consultations on the development of a Native social work program. Funding was received from from Health and Welfare Canada to hire two individuals to carry out the consultations. Senate approval for the Honors Bachelor of Social Work was obtained in November 1987 (Mawhiney, Alcoze & Hart, 2014). The first students were admitted to the program in 1988. Five Indigenous faculty members were hired along with two support staff to deliver the program. This brought the number of Indigenous faculty up to nine between the two programs – the Native Studies Department and the Native Social Work Program.
The number of Indigenous faculty teaching at Laurentian has grown significantly since the 1980s. In fulfillment of the tricultural portion of its mandate, Laurentian University and its federated partner, the University of Sudbury, have now reached a critical mass of 24 full-time Indigenous faculty members teaching in Anthropology, Architecture, Education, English, Geography, History, Indigenous Social Work, Indigenous Studies, Labour Studies, Nursing, Rural and Northern Health, and Sociology.
As the number of Indigenous faculty at Laurentian University continued to grow, these faculty members discussed developing a process where they could work more collaboratively together and out of this grew the idea of establishing an Indigenous research institute. Working together, Indigenous faculty members developed the proposal for the Maamwizing Research Institute which was submitted to the Laurentian University Senate in May 2016 and received Senate approval in September 2016. In this same year, Dr. Celeste Pedri-Spade was appointed as the Inaugural Director of the Maamwizing Indigenous Research Institute.
Maamwizing is an Anishinaabe term that refers to bringing people together or collaborating together. Maamwizing is building a research community that brings together researchers who are studying Indigenous issues. The focus is on building collaborative community partnerships and designing research initiatives that are aligned with the needs of Indigenous communities. Maamwizing also plays a vital role in enhancing Indigenous research capacity by promoting research excellence and creating research opportunities for graduate students and new researchers to develop their research expertise, thereby enhancing research productivity.
In November 2016, the Maamwizing Indigenous Research Institute held its inaugural Maamwizing conference. This conference addressed issues related to Indigenous peoples within the educational system through three themes: diversities in universities (equity and hiring, leadership), ways of knowing (the place of Indigenous knowledge in the university curriculum), and decolonizing universities (Indigenous pedagogies, ways of teaching, reconciliation). Additionally, this conference provided a forum for Indigenous researchers to share information about the work that they were doing and an opportunity for students to increase their expertise and build their confidence in being able to conduct research. This conference is one way in which Indigenous researchers are engaged in making systemic or transformative changes within university systems. Indigenous researchers are making inroads in that they are challenging anthropological interpretations of what ‘research’ is. Indigenous research, as a field, considers the roles and responsibilities of Indigenous researchers in service to Indigenous communities; the integral participation of and leading contributions of Indigenous communities in the research agenda; as well as the promotion of Indigenous researchers. It is through initiatives such as this that opportunities are created for people (Indigenous and non-Indigenous) to learn more about and understand the challenges facing Indigenous researchers thus contributing to efforts on both sides for reconciliation.
Indigenous scholars at Laurentian University are supported through the creation of a Canada Research Chair (CRC) in Indigenous Health. The Inaugural Chair for this position is Dr. Jennifer Walker, a health services researcher and epidemiologist with Haudenosaunee family roots from Six Nations of the Grand River. The CRC in Indigenous Health works collaboratively with individuals from different disciplines.
One of the goals of the CRC in Indigenous Health is to work with First Nations and Métis communities and organizations to ensure Indigenous use of Indigenous health data for health services and policy planning. There are two significant changes with respect to Indigenous health data. First, there has been a shift in the application of administrative health data from a western deficits-based perspective to an Indigenous-based lens that views wellness from a holistic perspective and that takes into consideration the historic and contemporary effects of colonization on the social, political and economic realities in Indigenous populations. Secondly, data systems have been developed to enable Indigenous-governed organizations to use Indigenous-identified data in their work. These are important developments since research and surveillance using Indigenous health data can now be carried out through an Indigenous lens, which benefits the overall wellbeing of Indigenous people and communities.
The School of Indigenous Relations has been in existence since 1988. Since that time it has evolved from a Native Human Services (NHS) Program within the School of Social Work at Laurentian University, to the School of Native Human Services in 2008. It has since changed its name in 2014 to the School of Indigenous Relations (SIR), reflecting the name change of the Native Social Work Program to the Indigenous Social Work (ISWK) program in keeping with a more inclusive terminology.
The ISWK program is a four year Honours Bachelor of Social Work program that is available both on campus and through online learning. The online program is offered on an part-time basis, meaning that the courses are cycled every two years. While it may take students a little longer to complete their degree, it affords them the ability to study from their home communities. Students using this method of study come from all parts of Canada, from the east to the west coast and as far north as the Northwest Territories.
The ISWK program is accredited by the Canadian Association for Social Work Educators (CASWE), the national body that accredits social work programs across Canada. Prior to this, the SIR received accreditation with the School of Social Work at Laurentian University. This is significant because the SIR achieved accreditation as a stand alone program separate from the School of Social Work.
The ISWK program is a lead educator in Indigenous social work education and has gained a reputation for providing quality Indigenous social work education that offers knowledge, skills and experience to work effectively with Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities. The program combines traditional healing approaches with Western methods of social work practice. The ISWK program demonstrates a deep commitment to values and ethics of Indigenous social work by incorporating the Seven Grandfather Teachings and Medicine Wheel teachings as guiding principles and also embracing the Social Work Code of Ethics. The program prepares social work students to practice at a level of competence suitable for beginning practice in a culturally appropriate, culturally safe manner. This is accomplished be providing education on Indigenous history, culture, worldview and psychology with the intent of raising awareness of the political, social, educational, and economic issues that affect Indigenous peoples.
More recently, the School of Indigenous Relations developed the Master of Indigenous Relations (MIR) program. The idea for a Master of Indigenous Relations (MIR) Program was conceived in 2011. Graduates from the ISWK program were being scooped up by Indigenous communities to work in management and administration positions within their communities, requiring them to be knowledgeable about financial audits, developing research proposals, business plans and policies for social and health services. Since the inception of the MIR program, the need for people with Indigenous leadership, scholarship and governance knowledge and skills continues to grow. The MIR program produces graduates who are knowledgeable about working with Indigenous communities locally, nationally and internationally. The Master Indigenous Relations (MIR) Program provides an learning environment that focuses on understanding Indigenous perspectives, research methodologies, Indigenous worldviews, traditional teachings as well as the theories and practices therefore enhancing their ability to work more effectively with Indigenous people.
Herb Nabigon, a retired professor in the Indigenous Social Work program (now deceased) talked about how the medicine wheel teachings were closely linked to the Life Force of the Earth Mother (Nabigon, personal communication, July 7, 2014). Nabigon talked about the changing nature of the earth and the people on it. He encouraged students to use cultural teachings to gain a greater understanding of pathologies and other dysfunctions inherent in being human beings. In healing ourselves and our communities, we need to focus attention on healing all of creation, which includes the Mother Earth. Nabigon explained that because Mother Earth was under siege due to global warming, the earth was rebelling. This was evidenced in the unpredictability of the seasons, the animals and all of life. He called this the “Life Force Rebellion” of Mother Earth. The loss of respect for Indigenous teachings is a major contributing factor to the life force rebellion of Mother Earth. People have forgotten the importance of looking after Mother Earth. They have forgotten about the importance of the relationship between Mother Earth and all of humanity – the need to care for Mother Earth because she is the life giver. We cannot survive if Mother Earth doesn’t survive. Nabigon strongly believed that it was critical to develop strong leadership to address the life force imbalances (environmental and human) so that the future generations can live the good life too.
The following version of the Seven Grandfather Teachings by Benton-Banai (1988) are embedded as the foundational philosophy for both the Indigenous Social Work Program and the Master of Indigenous Relations Program. These philosophical teachings provide guidance (code of ethics) for how Indigenous people are to live their lives. They are presented in the Indigenous Social Work Field Education Manual alongside the social work code of ethics to provide guidance for students in their professional practice. In addition, students learn how to use these teachings in their personal lives to reach Mino-Bimaadzowin (the Good Life).
| OJIBWAY TRADITIONAL VALUES THE SEVEN GRANDFATHERS TEACHINGS |
| Nbwaakaawin – To cherish knowledge is to know WISDOM Zaagidwin – To know LOVE is to know peace. Mnaadendiwin – To honour all of the Creation is to have RESPECT. Aakde’win – BRAVERY is to face the foe with integrity. Gwekwaadziwin – HONESTY in facing a situation is to be brave. Dbadendizwin – HUMILITY is to know yourself as a sacred part of the Creation. Debwewin – TRUTH is to know all of these things. (Benton Banai, 1988) |
In 1997, the Native Social Work Journal was launched. The original intent of the Native Social Work Journal was to “reach beyond the walls of the university” to community based practitioners in order to share and promote research, practice and education from a Native perspective. The goal was to advance innovative approaches within the field of Native social work and to encourage community-based practitioners who work with traditional healing approaches to share their experiences. Since then, the Native Social Work Journal has changed its name to the Indigenous Social Work Journal, in keeping with the changes to the School of Indigenous Relations. The intent remains similar in that the journal documents newly developed interventions in helping found within Indigenous communities and to share Indigenous human service knowledge, a crucial step in the healing process (Mecredi, 1997).
The Union of Ontario Indians developed an Anishinabek Nation (AN) Child Well-Being Working Group (CWBWG) that has been working on developing an Anishinaabek Nation Child Well-Being Law (ANCWBL) since 2007. The impetus for the development of this new child well-being law came about because of the recognition that the current child welfare laws, with its focus on the protection of children, still resulted in the removal of First Nations children from their families and communities. The ANCWBL would give First Nations communities the right to exercise their inherent jurisdiction over the well-being of their children regardless of residency. Although the ANCWBL will have a protection component to it, there will be a greater focus on prevention activities that would lessen the need for the protection from child welfare authorities. Included in the ANCWBL is a greater emphasis on the inclusion of traditional forms of helping, including Anishinaabemowin (Anishinaabe language) and Anishinaabe teachings, therefore helping community members to reconnect to their wellness journeys.
While the ANCWBL would allow First Nations communities greater control over the health and well-being of children and families, several challenges to the implementation of the ANCWBL have been identified. One major challenge is ensuring provision of services to First Nations families in urban centres at risk of becoming involved with the provincial child welfare system.This is not always possible because of under-funding and the inequity issues that exists in Ontario and Canada. Another area of common concern is the issue of mixed marriages and ensuring that the familiy’s cultural identity is respected during this process. It is crucial that children born into mixed marriages are not denied access to culturally based services simply because one parent is not Anishinaabe. Maintaining the connection of First Nations children to their Indigenous identity and community is a priority for the ANCWBL. The implementation of the ANCWBL is one way to ensure that children are not lost to the child welfare system.
The following links provides details on the draft Anishinabek Nation Child Well-being Law effective April 1, 2018:
Anishinabek Nation Child Well-being Law (Draft)
The teachings of Giiwedinong (the North) are caring, wisdom and action (Nabigon, 2006). Elders are represented in the northern direction. Elders are respected for their life history, experiences and wisdom and have reached a point in their lives where they are able to share their gifts and knowledge with others.
As we move around the circle to the north, we discuss the action taken by Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples that lead to reconciliation. This chapter begins with two case studies: the Union of Ontario Indians (UOI) and the Ministry of Northern Development, Mines and Forestry (MNDMF) regional consultations on regulations to implement the Modernized Mining Act, and the Council of Canadians – Sudbury Chapter supporting Atikameksheng Anishnawbek First Nation in dealing with the issue of arsenic in their water systems. Although we have been using the broad term Indigenous throughout this open textbook, the term used in this section with be First Nations simply because that is the group of people being referred to in the case study.
The next section of this chapter deals with reconciliation of the residential school experience. We will look at the role of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the response by the United Church of Canada, a youth perspective on reconciliation, and the commitment from the Ontario provincial government with respect to reconciliation. The last section of this chapter explores two examples that foster transformative change within the health care system. These examples of transformative change demonstrate how Indigenous people use their influence to challenge institutional racism and discrimination and use Indigenous health information data to enhance well-being of their people.
Indigenous peoples have been working at reconciliation since the arrival of the first settlers to this country. This chapter encourages reflection on understanding colonial history, consideration of the services and programs that have developed in response to that history, knowledge of cultural teachings, healing practices and ways of knowing and being, and how to incorporate this new understanding into some action that can lead to reconciliation. In other words, how do we move forward? What lies in the future? What new initiatives can be developed that help with the braiding of Indigenous and Western Approaches?
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
The image below is a snapshot of the locations mentioned in this chapter.
Click on the image of the map below for a more detailed geographic context.
In Chapter Two of this open textbook we learned that Indigenous people have a long history of mining in their traditional territories, covered by the Robinson-Huron treaties. The treaties came about as a result of mining companies seeking licenses from the colonial government to mine in the region. Treaties were made with Indigenous peoples to compensate them for lands lost to mining. The Sudbury Mining Journal (1890) made reference to the need for mining acts that would encourage people to stay in Canada. The need for mining acts is still relevant in today’s society.
Anishinabek people have always considered themselves stewards of the land. One of the roles that the Anishinabek Nation has taken on is the stewardship of natural resources and advocating on behalf of the members of First Nation communities on Minerals and Mines issues. The Anishinabek Nation has been working with the Ministry of Northern Development, Mines and Forestry (MNDMF) on revising the outdated Ontario Mining Act. Extensive leadership engagement sessions held by the Anishinabek Nation in the fall and winter of 2008 and 2009 resulted in the document “Below the Surface, Anishinabek Mining Strategy.” The modernized Ontario Mining Act received Royal Assent in October 2009. Only some of the recommendations from the “Below the Surface, Anishinabek Mining Strategy” were adopted and incorporated into the new Ontario Mining Act.
While the Mining Act included wording that would respect Aboriginal and Treaty Rights, it did not go far enough in recognizing the jurisdiction of the Anishinabek Nation over lands and resources. In addition to the issue of jurisdiction, First Nations communities identified other concerns with the Modernized Mining Act. This new act did not fully address the Crown’s duty to consult and accommodate with First Nations. First Nations communities wanted greater control with respect to mining developments in their territories. For example, they wanted the authority to reject mining developments. First Nations communities requested that both industry and MNDMF provide funding for capacity building in terms of education and accessing resources that would aid in understanding and replying to proposals. Another major concern dealt with the importance of obtaining good jobs for their membership. With respect to the protection of culturally significant sites, concerns were raised about the identification process of these sites and how far or deep the site is to be protected. Concerns were also raised about the authority of the Ministry to grant approval for mining to proceed even if the area was identified it as culturally significant. First Nations communities wanted to be properly consulted and considered as equal partners in all initiatives and decision-making processes right from the start.
“There were six major changes in the Mining Act that would respect Aboriginal and Treaty Rights. These would provide:
notification of activities on First Nation lands;
- protection of culturally significant sites;
- a prospectors awareness program on First Nations culture;
- encouraged partnerships between industry and First Nations;
- a graduated system for granting plans and permits; and
- a dispute resolution process to resolve consultation related issues.”
(Union of Ontario Indians, Lands and Resources Department,2011)
While the inclusion of recommendations from the “Below the Surface, Anishinabek Mining Strategy” was a step towards building a more positive relationship between the Anishinabek Nation and the Ministry, further work is needed to establish a more mutual, respectful relationship.
Since 2016, the Anishinabek Nation (AN) and the Ontario Ministry of Northern Development and Mines (MNDM), have been working together through a Regional Framework designed to provide Anishinabek communities with greater control over the development of minerals and mines in their territories. Set up as Regional Tables, Ministry representatives and Anishinabek communities meet quarterly to exchange information, share ideas, identify issues of common concern and develop solutions to challenges faced within the minerals and mines sector. These Tables have contributed to the relationship building process between Anishinabek communities and the Ministry, as well as improved accountability of all parties through the development of a system that tracks action points reported on at the Tables.
Not only are Indigenous peoples stewards of the land, they are also protectors of the water. The water is considered the lifeblood of Mother Earth and is, therefore, not only a concern for Indigenous peoples but all peoples. Without clean water, there would be no life. All human beings need to consider what their role is in protecting all bodies of water.
The Council of Canadians – Sudbury Chapter is one organization that supports the Atikameksheng First Nation in its struggle to protect its waterways. Arsenic from the abandoned Long Lake Gold Mine has been leaching into the lake waters. Elevated levels of arsenic found in the southwest corner of Long Lake near the abandoned mines creates health and environmental hazards affecting recreation, drinking water, and fishing activities, as well as threatening the wildlife grazing throughout the surrounding areas. This is one example of the impact that mining companies have on the environment.
Organizations such as the Council of Canadians serve as allies in the fight to bring attention to the environmental hazards created by mining companies and supported by the existing government legislations.
Why do you suppose that the Council of Canadians has chosen to support Atikameksheng Anishnawbek First Nation?
The following link provides more information about the Council of Canadians – Sudbury Chapter:
Sudbury chapter in solidarity with the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek First Nation
Naomi Klein – This Changes Everything | Bioneers
In the following video, Naomi Klein, an award-winning Canadian journalist, international activist and best-selling author, discusses the issue of climate change as a wake up call to challenge dominant economic policies of deregulated capitalism and endless resource extraction. Capitalists are not taking the issue of climate change seriously. Additionally, governments are placing climate commitments lower on the policy agenda to the point where environmental concerns are practically irrelevant. Large-scale climate change is a result of human activities and, if left unchecked, will alter the future world in which humans will have to live.
According to Klein, it is always easier to deny reality than to allow our worldview to be shattered. For example, Klein describes the relationship between people and the earth as one where people are the parents and the earth is the child. She notes that in an Indigenous worldview, people have a different relationship to the earth and refer to the earth as ‘mother.’ In this Indigenous worldview of the earth as mother, the mother provides for the people – water, air, food, etc. Additionally, she points to the efforts of Indigenous people in taking care of the earth. The Idle No More movement was one way in which Indigenous people worked to block planet destruction. The issues that Indigenous people are protesting about are not only issues affecting Indigenous people; they are issues that affect all human beings. These local fights by Indigenous peoples are morphing into guiding principles in the fight for equality and social justice, and for real solutions to our failing systems.
Naomi Klein – This Changes Everything / Bioneers
Questions to think about as you watch this video:
-Describe how an Indigenous worldview is impacting capitalism and resource extraction.
-How does this contribute to the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people?
The introduction of residential schools represents a dark period in the history of Indigenous peoples in this country. When did the introduction of the residential schools begin? In the late 18th century, the relationship between First Nations people and the Crown was based upon commercial and military needs. The role of the Indian Department was to act as intermediary between First Nations people and the military. For example, after the loss of the War of Independence in 1783 in the American colonies there was an influx of United Empire Loyalists into Quebec and the Maritimes. The signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1783 resulted in the establishment of a boundary between the American colonies and the remaining British territories in North America. The lands reserved for First Nations peoples through the treaties and alliances that had been negotiated with the British government by the Royal Proclamation of 1763 were ceded to the American colonies in the signing of the Treaty of Paris (Canadian Encyclopedia, 2014). The Six Nations people of the Iroquois Confederacy also lost lands in this war. The response by the Indian Department was to negotiate a series of land surrender treaties which paved the way for a peaceful establishment of an agricultural colony. In return, the Six Nations people were granted two parcels of reserve lands, one at the Bay of Quinte and the other along the Grand River (INAC, 2011).
As settlers continued to arrive, the number of land surrender treaties increased. However, these treaties were produced so quickly that the terms contained poor descriptions, missing signatures and confusion over boundary lines. As the country became more settled, the role of First Nations peoples as allies waned. The government began to view First Nations people as in need of being ‘civilized’ so the role of the Indian Department shifted once again to one of encouraging the abandonment of traditional lifestyle in favor of becoming more agricultural and sedentary; in other words, being assimilated into British society.
The Crown, believing that they had the responsibility to care and protect the interests of the First Nations people, viewed their roles as guardian until such time as the ‘Indian’ could be fully integrated into society. To aid in this mission, the Indian Act that was introduced in 1867, gave authority to the Department of Indian Affairs to intervene in all aspects of Indian peoples’ lives such as determining who was an Indian, control over Indian lands, resources and moneys, outlawing ceremonial practices, and who could enter and leave the reserve.
One outcome of the Indian Act was the “Indian Education Policy.” The Davin Report of 1879 recommended the adoption of the residential school model which was similar to the one operating in the United States. The purpose of residential schools were to “Christianize and civilize” First Nations children. Residential schools were viewed as the primary vehicle for civilisation and assimilation. The education curriculum focused on reading, writing, arithmetic and languages. However, the underlying intent was to force the children to abandon their traditional languages, dress, religion and lifestyle. Native children were forced to attend residential schools, separating them from their families and communities, thus from the influence of culture.The result of this was the loss of language, culture, connection to family and community and environment, parenting, and spirituality. This has had lasting impacts to today.
The residential schools are now closed and Indigenous people are still dealing with the impacts of that experience. In 2007, the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement was reached between legal counsel for former Indian residential school students, legal counsel for the Churches, the Assembly of First Nations, other Aboriginal organizations and the Government of Canada. Among the five elements of this settlement agreement was the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The TRC had several mandates: to educate Canadians about the deplorable conditions of the residential school system, to document experiences of the survivors and their families, and to create a process of reconciliation that called for renewed relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples based on mutual respect and understanding. The TRC ‘Calls to Action’ released in June 2015 included 94 recommendations directed to governments, churches, organizations and all Canadians (Government of Ontario, 2016).
These recommendations in the ‘Calls to Action’ cover several areas: child welfare, education, language and culture, health and justice. The ‘Calls to Action’ also include recommendations aimed at the Canadian governments specifically to adopt and implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People, develop a Royal Proclamation of Reconciliation, establish a National Council for Reconciliation and develop professional development and training for public servants. Other recommendations are aimed at the church, education systems, legals systems, youth programs, museums and archives, missing children and burial information, commemorations, media, sports and business as well as education for newcomers to Canada (TRC, 2015).
Five elements of the Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement:
a Common Experience Payment (CEP)
an Independent Assessment Process (IAP)
measures to support healing
the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)
bringing closure to the legacy of Indian residential schools
(Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, 2018)
The following link provides information about the TRC Calls to Action. Take some time to familiarize yourself with what is contained in these calls to action:
Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action
Pick one of the 94 recommendations in the Truth and Reconciliation ‘Calls to Action.’ How will you personally respond to that call? What are some things that you can do to help move forward with reconciliation?
According to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015) more than 150,000 Aboriginal children were forced to attend residential schools. This has left Aboriginal people with a legacy of unresolved trauma that is being down passed from one generation to the next. This cumulative trauma has had a profound effect on the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and non-Aboriginal peoples. Collective efforts between all peoples (Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal) are necessary to reach the goal of reconciliation. This could take generations.
What is reconciliation? There are many meanings to this term. The Merriam-Webster dictionary (2018) defines reconciliation as a situation in which “two people or groups of people become friendly again after they have argued” or the process of making two opposite beliefs, ideas, or situations agree. Other words used to describe reconciliation are settlement, understanding, resolution, compromise, reunion, ceasefire, appeasement, and bringing together. The TRC used the term reconciliation to bridge understanding between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples. This requires us all to look at the history of colonization and recognize the impacts of that history on the social situations that affect Aboriginal peoples today. Reconciliation is more than linguistic and cultural revitalization. It means to go back and pick up what was left at the wayside: Aboriginal knowledge, methods of knowledge transmission, ceremonial practices, philosophies, ways of life and understandings of the world. It means recognizing what was in existence for Aboriginal peoples before they were forced to adopt another way of life. Reconciliation does not only mean the educational system; it has to happen within all systems. That is why there are 94 ‘Calls to Action.’ We cannot look at just one system and expect reconciliation to occur. We must look at all aspects of life.
Much of the attention on reconciliation is directed at the impacts of the residential school system on the Aboriginal way of life. This is a start for the process of reconciliation, but we cannot stop there. It is important to return to an education system that recognizes, celebrates and honors the role that our children play in our families and our societies where all children are held to high expectations and are provided with the skills needed to succeed. The education system needs to recognize Aboriginal systems of knowledge transmission and respectfully represent Aboriginal peoples in that system by celebrating and honouring strengths rather than focusing on negative portrayals of Aboriginal peoples.
Lastly, reconciliation is teaching about history; that is, the attempts to colonize, civilize and assimilate, and sharing the real experience of the the residential schools as opposed to the propaganda provided by the government. This involves recognizing the strengths of residential school survivors and highlighting the survival and resistance tactics they used that allowed them to survive in the residential schools. A good place for your own process of reconciliation is to familiarize yourself with the executive summary of the Truth and Reconciliation final report. The final report contains recommendations aimed at broad institutional changes that need to happen in order to achieve reconciliation at the institutional level.
Take some time to ask classmates, family and friends about what they think reconciliation is. How many know what reconciliation is?
What is your own personal commitment to reconciliation?
Alberta Billy, a member of the Laichwiltach We Wai kai Nation in British Columbia, helped to shape the course of history of the United Church. In 1981, Billy stood before the leaders of the United Church and asked the church to apologize to the Native peoples of Canada for “what you did to them in residential school” (Troian, 2011). Billy was a lifelong member of the United Church who also represented Aboriginal church members at the Executive General Council.
There have been several apologies made with respect to the atrocious experiences suffered by Aboriginal peoples through their forced attendance at residential schools in Canada. The first apology made by any institution in Canada came from the United Church of Canada in Sudbury, Ontario in 1986. The year 2011 marked the 25th anniversary of this apology. The 1986 General Council, at its meeting held at Laurentian University, formally adopted the apology. The apology was presented to Elders from across the country, many faithful United Church people, who were gathered at a teepee that had been set up in the parking lot near the entrance to the university. The Elders were curious about what the General Council was going to say to them. The Elders present refused to accept the apology; instead, they ‘received’ the apology. This move by the Elders is significant in that to accept the apology would make it a thing of the past, while receiving it meant that further work needed to be done.
Since that moment, the people from the Manitoulin Conference’s Living Into Right Relations (LIRR) Home Group of the United Church have been working on providing ongoing leadership with respect to reconciliation. In 2012, they passed a motion at the General Council asking that all United Churches across Canada acknowledge the Indigenous territories that they serve. This Home Group also publishes “Minutes for Right Relations” similar to the “Minutes for Mission” that are shared with their congregations. The goal of the Home Group is to educate about the history of residential schools and to advocate on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) while encouraging other communities, institutions and governments to move forward in a good way.
The United Church had hoped to lead by example and encourage other churches to follow suit in making amends for their role in the residential school system and the devastating impacts of that system on Aboriginal peoples. On March 28, 2018, Pope Francis of the Catholic Church stated that he could not offer an apology for their role in Canada’s residential schools. This news was very discouraging for Aboriginal peoples in Canada, especially given that the Catholic Church ran almost two-thirds of all the residential schools in Canada. Part of the 94 ‘Calls to Action’ coming out of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is an apology from the Catholic Church.
The United Church of Canada was the first church to offer an official apology. Do an internet search about residential school apologies made by various church denominations. How many other apologies were made since that first apology in 1986?
Many Aboriginal Elders belong to various churches. Why do you suppose they still practice religious ceremonies, given that the residential school experience may not have been a positive one for them?
Why did the Elders not accept the apology? Do you think this was a good move?
The following link takes you to the United Church Apology to First Nations people. This link also contains a description of the revised crest of the United Church that displays spiritual and historic roots of the church, acknowledges the presence and spirituality of Aboriginal peoples in the church, and recognizes that the church was built on Indigenous land.
1986 Apology to First Nations Peoples
Martha Troian wrote an article in 2011 about the 25 year anniversary of the United Church of Canada’s Apology:
25 Years Later: The United Church of Canada’s Apology to Aboriginal Peoples
The following video is a reflection from the Manitou Conference Right Relations Home Group on the 25th anniversary of the United Church Apology to First Nations. While the Elders present at the time of the apology acknowledged and thanked the Church for their words, the Elders thought it wise to wait and see what would come out of the apology.
25th Anniversary United Church Apology to First Nations
The following video, Truly and Humbly: Memories of the First Apology (2017), directed by Hoi Cheu, Associate Professor from Laurentian University, provides background information to the first apology made by the United Church of Canada. This film includes highlights from key individuals such as Alberta Billy who initiated the request for an apology from the Church, the Right Rev. Bob Smith who led the Council to vote and others who were present at the time of the apology.
Truly and Humbly: Memories of the First Apology (Cheu 2017)
For more information about Pope Francis’ decision to make no apology, visit the following website:
No Apology for Canada’s Residential Schools, Pope Francis Says
There is plenty of news coverage on this topic.
Sage Petahtegoose is Anishnawbe-kwe from Atikameksheng Anishnawbek; she is a member of the Canadian Roots exchange. Her teachings come from the Three Fires Midewiwin Lodge, a medicine society of the Anishnawbe.
Petahtegoose explains that the Canadian Roots Exchange is a forum where Canadian youth can engage in conversations about truth and reconciliation through activities and event hosting. They challenge other young people to speak out about the creation of false narratives about Indigenous people and speak to people about issues related to colonialism. Petahtegoose believes that there should be more spaces like this as it is integral to building on the nation to nation relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.
These youth are providing a positive example of how to build strong relationships with one another. Petahtegoose uses this opportunity to teach others about what it means to be anishnawbe in this country and to try to hold on to traditional teachings. She is an inspiration to other youth. The Indigenous youth of this country are not going away. Her message about gaining strength from culture and its potential to strengthen the spiritual identity of youth is much needed.
The following link takes you to the Walrus Talks by Sage Petahtegoose. Take some time to watch the video:
A Revival and Reclamation of Identity – Sage Petahtegoose (Walrus Talks)
Laurentian University, located on the traditional territory of the Atikameksheng Anishnawbek First Nation, is a leader when it comes to Indigenous education and reconciliation. The University prides itself on being culturally responsive and a place where Indigenous thought and culture are welcomed. Laurentian University provides a welcoming environment for First Nations, Métis and Inuit students, a home away from home where they can access campus Elders or take courses in various disciplines, departments and faculties with Indigenous faculty members. Currently, there are 25 full-time Indigenous faculty members employed at Laurentian University, which is more than any other university in Ontario.
Laurentian University is also home to the Indigenous Sharing and Learning Centre (ISLC), which opened on June 21, 2017, National Aboriginal Day. Inspired by the wigwam, a dwelling used by Anishinaabek peoples of this territory, the ISLC features the spectacular round-room and state-of-the-art teaching facilities, student space, a space for Indigenous Student Affairs staff and campus Elders, as well as outdoor medicine gardens and sacred fire area. Indigeneity is woven throughout Laurentian University Strategic Plan 2018-2023. The McEwen School of Architecture, situated in downtown Sudbury, also provides a studio based model of instruction that receives its inspiration from Indigenous and northern collaborators.
The following Strategic Plan shared values contain elements that highlight how Laurentian contributes to promoting transformative change with Indigenous peoples and communities:
Laurentian University – Strategic Plan 2018-2023 – Shared Values
(Laurentian University, 2018a) |
Laurentian University’s commitment to Calls to Action put forth by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is demonstrated through all of the shared values that are contained in the Strategic Plan 2018-2023.
The first shared value, The North Inspires Us, advances reconciliation in four ways: enhancing relationships with municipalities, agencies, organizations, First Nations, and Indigenous communities; incorporating a holistic approach to wellness in everyday practice; creating a hub for Indigenous, Franco-Ontarian and Northern arts and culture; and equipping graduates to practice, teach, and contribute in francophone, rural, and Indigenous contexts.
The second shared value, Student Success is our Success, emphasizes that student success opportunities will be provided for Laurentian students to become more familiar with Indigenous ways of being as well as the principles of reconciliation through their involvement with various aspects of campus culture.
The third shared value, Teaching and Learning Define Us, is exemplified in the goal of being a national leader in Indigenous education. Laurentian offers an expanded Indigenous curriculum across all faculties.
Curiosity Drives our Research is the fourth shared value. In terms of advancing Indigenous research, the Maamwizing Indigenous Research Institute supports researchers to advance culturally appropriate research that enhances mino-bimaadiziwin and wellness among Indigenous peoples and other
northern populations.
The fifth shared value, Relationships are our Priority, speaks to pursuing campus, local, provincial, national and international collaborations. This value supports the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action in several ways: through the creation of a task force to identify priority actions, offering cultural safety training, and offering Anishnaabemowin language courses to faculty, staff, and students.
Expanding Your Knowledge
Laurentian University’s Strategic Plan 2018-2023 is available through the following link:
Laurentian University Strategic Plan 2018-2023
In 2016, Premier Wynne reaffirmed the commitment from the Ontario Provincial Government to continue the journey towards reconciliation that began with Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Residential Schools. To this end, the Provincial Government formulated specific initiatives designed to bring meaningful change to the lives of Indigenous people and communities.
“There is no more denying the past or hiding from the truth. It is time to get to work and do our part to create positive change in the lives of Indigenous peoples.” (Kathleen Wynne – Premier of Ontario, in Government of Ontario, 2016, p. 5)
According to the document “The Journey Together Ontario’s Commitment to Reconciliation
with Indigenous Peoples” (Government of Ontario, 2016), Ontario has made a commitment to work with Indigenous partners by:
(Government of Ontario, 2016, p.13)
A $250 million investment is planned by the Ontario government to support programs and actions focused on reconciliation and will be developed and evaluated in close partnership with Indigenous partners. This financial commitment is viewed as an initial step towards reconciliation. More work is needed to achieve real, measurable change.
Racism and discrimination are two factors that have negative impacts on the health and wellness of Indigenous communities in Ontario. The health sector in Ontario is moving forward with advancing transformative change within its system through two initiatives: Southwest Ontario Aboriginal Health Access Centre (SOAHAC)’s online Indigenous Cultural Safety (ICS) training and Our Health Counts Urban Aboriginal Health Database Project.
The SOAHAC online Indigenous Cultural Safety (ICS) training is aimed at uprooting systemic Indigenous-specific racism within the health care system.The ICS training supports Indigenous Health transformation by addressing the need for increased Indigenous cultural safety within the health care system. Transformative change occurs when service providers are able to examine their biases, increase awareness of how colonialism is embedded in health care practices, as well as learn about the unique history and current realities of Indigenous populations that affect service accessibility and health outcomes for that population. This training program challenges people with influence within the healthcare system to address anti-Indigenous racial discrimination.
The Our Health Counts Urban Aboriginal Health Database Project contributes to transformative change through the creation of a baseline population health database for urban Aboriginal people living in Ontario that is accessible, useful, and culturally appropriate for policy makers to improve health planning. Ontario’s current health care information system is unable to identify urban Aboriginal individuals in its health datasets for a couple of reasons: health assessment data is often program or non-random survey based and is not population based; and census data for urban Aboriginal people cannot be disaggregated from First Nations, Inuit, and Métis data. The near absence of population based health assessment data is concerning because it makes it difficult to do any effective health policy, planning, program/service delivery or performance measurement without proper baseline information. The Our Health Counts Urban Aboriginal Health Database Project involves Aboriginal Health Access Centres in Hamilton, Toronto, Ottawa and London is an Indigenous-informed, innovative population health survey project aimed at improving health outcomes for urban Indigenous communities in a self determined, culturally safe manner (Southwest Ontario Aboriginal Health Access Centre, 2014).
The movement towards transformative change is also occurring within the educational system. Earlier in this chapter, we read about the shared values employed by Laurentian University in their strategic plan that address aspects of the TRC’s ‘Calls to Action.’ While this is a movement in the right direction, there needs to be more action taken if true reconciliation is to occur. Mawhiney (2018), in her article “Reaching true reconciliation at our universities,” talks about the roles that universities must play in making meaningful changes to the academy’s structures, decision-making practices and funding, if true reconciliation is to occur. As a start, Mawhiney identifies three questions that institutions must address in responding honourably to the TRC’s ‘Calls to Action.’ These are:
Who makes decisions about Indigenous education?
Who are the knowledge experts on Indigenous education?
How can universities decolonize structures and decision making processes?
These questions challenge academic institutions to take a hard look at their structures, traditions and practices and take the necessary steps to create space for Indigenous representation on their boards, senates and senior decision-making committees. Further, universities must seek guidance from Indigenous scholars on Indigenous education and research needs as well as work to transfer programs and resources to Indigenous Institutes. Of course, all of this will take time to accomplish but it will be possible provided that Western academic institutions are willing to relinquish control over to Indigenous academic institutions and accept that there are many forms of knowledge that are equally as valid as Western forms of knowledge.
The centre of the medicine wheel is the self, the spirit, the fire. This speaks to the responsibility towards oneself, to look after the spirit or to feed that inner fire. According to Petahtegoose (personal communication, 2018), “as we come to know ourselves and what our spiritual views are, you are challenging yourself and coming to better understand yourself as how to be spiritual, and what is it I can come to appreciate about myself.” Petahtegoose encourages people to sit with their elders, the teachers, so they can learn from them. In a traditional way of life, knowledge is passed from one generation to another through oral teachings.
This chapter is about braiding Indigenous and Western approaches and one’s responsibility to retell the story of colonial history. This brings the open textbook back full circle to the beginning of the text where we looked at the gathering of Indigenous stories and their historical significance within the Greater Sudbury area. Petahtegoose (2018) believes:
“… that it is right to come together on this journey and have a greater understanding about one another’s cultures, and are open to those different cultures, we will be able to learn and grow from one another and the teachings will carry on. We need to sit and let our minds open, let our spirit open and look within ourselves to see where we are and take a look at where we are living. The teachings tell us that we need to reach out to the people of the world, and open the doors to them so that they will come in and visit.”
Whether you are Indigenous or non-Indigenous, this part of the textbook allows you look to the future and tell another story about the relationship between Indigenous/non-Indigenous people of this territory. This provides the foundation for Indigenous/non-Indigenous people to understand the cultural teachings, healing practices and ways of knowing and being thereby creating space for reconciliation to occur.
When you have worked through the material in this chapter, you will be able to do the following:
“The traditions give the guidance and support that is necessary for on-going healing and change. They convey a core understanding of a spiritual life. Without Spirit, and personal commitment, it is unlikely that any teaching or any strategy, from whichever direction, will help people attain and maintain balance. The Sacred Circle of the Medicine Wheel, and the Sacred Teachings, encapsulate all the spiritual wisdom required to guide the healing journey, sustain healing relationships, and promote positive change.” (Nabigon et al., 2014)
We learned in Chapter 1 that the Medicine Wheel teachings contain the values and principles for how Indigenous people are to conduct themselves in order to reach mino bimaadiziwin – the good life. We also learned that there are many versions of the Medicine Wheel teachings depending where one resides, yet the foundation concepts are similar. For example, the teachings that come from someone on the east coast of Canada will be different from someone’s teaching who lives in central Canada or from someone who lives on the west coast. The colours of the Medicine Wheel will also vary depending on the teachings and the location.
There are really seven directions associated with the Medicine Wheel – the four cardinal directions (north, south, east and west) as well as the sky, the earth and the centre. For Ojibwe people, the colours are yellow (east), red (south), black (west), white (north), father sky (blue), mother earth (green) and the self (Centre, purple). The medicine wheel reminds us that everything comes in fours – the four seasons, the four stages of life, the four races of humanity, four cardinal directions, etc.
The following teachings on the Medicine Wheel by James Dumont (1993) depicts Ojibwe Anishinabe values. These are the foundational values used in the School of Indigenous Relations – Indigenous Social Work program at Laurentian University. The four symbolic races of humanity are depicted on this circle:
One way to use the Medicine Wheel is as a self-assessment to determine how balanced one is. The Medicine Wheel reminds us that we need to balance all four aspects of our being – the spiritual, emotional, physical and mental aspects. When we become out of balance, we experience disease. In using the Medicine Wheel in this manner you might also explore what can be done to become re-balanced.
Finding balance among the four quadrants of the Medicine Wheel is essential for a helper. How are we able to assist a person in need if we have not used the tool of self-reflection to evaluate where we are as helpers? We must look at all aspects of our lives and the relations we have to fully understand where we are on our journey. By looking at the emotional, mental, physical and spiritual aspects of our lives, we will then be able to see where we are unbalanced and be able to develop a plan of care to find that harmony to be better helpers.
“Helpers who seek wise practices must seek their own healing. They need to be able to truly listen to their own heart before they can hear the heart of another. Training can be gained, but learning and healing is an on-going growth process. Helpers who are able to apply the lessons of the Medicine Wheel and the Seven Grandfather Teachings in their life will be able to develop wise practices in their work and learn the art of working from the heart.” (Nabigon et al., 2014)
Nabigon (2006) refers to the Medicine Wheel as the Hub. The Hub describes both positive and negative aspects of our being. The positive aspects are reflected in good feelings, relationships, respect and caring which contribute to being able to listen and heal. The negative aspects are reflected in inferior feelings, envy, resentment, and uncaring which leads one to jealousy. The negative side of the wheel are known as the rascals. We know the rascals are there and are always trying to interfere with having a good balanced life. The negative and positive aspects of life also speak to the duality in life. This duality in life is experienced as night and day, rain and sunshine, men and women, sun and moon and so on. Each and every day, individuals strive for a balanced life. This is referred to as Mino-Bimaadisiwin (the Good Life).
Other teachings of the Medicine Wheel focus on developmental stages. The analogy of the pine cone and its growth and development into a tree can be used to explain growth and development. The pine cone (infant) is represented in the east – that is, the start of life. As we progress along the circle, the pine cone develops into a sapling (child). The sapling grows into a tree (adult life) and eventually produces pine cones (later life) which then fall back to the ground to begin the process again. This same teaching can also be used explain roles and responsibilities. We know that infants and children are very vulnerable and need constant care and attention. If they are to continue to grow, they need to be nurtured. This responsibility falls to the parents/caregivers. As a result, there is a special relationship that exists between the child and the parent/caregivers. As we move around the circle, children grow into adolescents. Adolescence is a time of great emotional and physical turmoil as it is during this lime that life changes occur as they transition into adults. Turmoil also results from not being able to talk with their parents. It is a time when adolescents experience a sense of power and of ‘knowing it all.’ Often times, this will result in conflict. In these times of conflict, the relationship between the grandparent and the adolescent becomes stronger. Perhaps it is because the grandparent has more patience and can take the time to understand what is going on in the adolescent’s life, so there is a special relationship that forms between the adolescent and the grandparent.
Reflect on how the teachings of the Medicine Wheel and the Hub affect you personally.
Reflect on the Medicine wheel teachings and write a critical summary on the teaching that was most significant to you.
What did you learn about yourself? How can you use the Medicine Wheel teachings to lead a better life (Mino-bimaadiziwin)?
How can you use the Medicine Wheel teachings in your personal and professional life for self care?
Seek out teachings on the Medicine Wheel. A good place to start is your local Native Friendship Centre, Aboriginal Access Centre or a local First Nations community to find out if there Medicine Wheel teachings in your area or if any of these organizations can refer you to an Elder or traditional person. You may wish to visit in person or visit the websites of the organizations.
According to Benton-Banai (1988), the Seven Grandfather Teachings form the foundation of an Indigenous way of life. Key concepts of respect and sharing are built into the Seven Grandfather Teachings. There are many versions of the Seven Grandfather Teachings. The following is a shortened version of the teachings as recounted by Benton-Banai (1988).
According to Benton-Banai (1988), the Creator gave the seven grandfathers the responsibility to watch over the people. In this recounting of the story, the seven grandfathers, seeing that the people were living a hard life, sent a messenger down to the earth to find someone who could tell what Ojibway life should be and bring him back. The messenger searched all directions – North, South, West and East – but could not find anyone. Finally, on the seventh try, the messenger found a baby and brought him back to where the grandfathers were sitting in a circle. The grandfathers, happy with the messenger’s choice, instructed him to take him all around the earth so the baby could learn how the Ojibway should lead their lives. They were gone for seven years. Upon his return, as a young man, the grandfathers, recognizing the boy’s honesty, gave him seven teachings that he could take with him. They are as follows: Nibwaakaawin—Wisdom; Zaagi’idiwin—Love; Minaadendamowin—Respect; Aakode’ewin—Bravery; Gwayakwaadiziwin—Honesty; Dabaadendiziwin—Humility; and Debwewin—Truth.
Nibwaakaawin—Wisdom: Wisdom, a gift from the Creator, is to be used for the good of the people. The term “wisdom” can also be interpreted to mean “prudence” or “intelligence.” This means that we must use good judgement or common sense when dealing with important matters. We need to consider how our actions will affect the next seven generations. Wisdom is sometimes equated with intelligence. Intelligence develops over time. We seek out the guidance of our Elders because we perceive them to be intelligent; in other words, they have the ability to draw on their knowledge and life skills in order to provide guidance.
Zaagi’idiwin—Love: Love is one of the greatest teachers. It is one of the hardest teachings to demonstrate especially if we are hurt. Benton-Banai (1988) states that “To know Love is to know peace.” Being able to demonstrate love means that we must first love ourselves before we can show love to someone else. Love is unconditional; it must be given freely. Those who are able to demonstrate love in this way are at peace with themselves. When we give love freely it comes back to us. In this way love is mutual and reciprocal.
Minaadendamowin—Respect: One of the teachings around respect is that in order to have respect from someone or something, we must get to know that other entity at a deeper level. When we meet someone for the first time we form an impression of them. That first impression is not based on respect. Respect develops when one takes the time to establish a deeper relationship with the other. This concept of respect extends to all of creation. Again, like love, respect is mutual and reciprocal – in order to receive respect one must give respect.
Aakode’ewin—Bravery: Benton-Banai (1988) states that “Bravery is to face the foe with integrity.” This simply means that we need to be brave in order to do the right thing even if the consequences are unpleasant. It is easy to turn a blind eye when we see something that is not right. It is harder to speak up and address concerns for fear of being retaliated against. Often times, one does not want to ‘rock the boat.’ It takes moral courage to be able to stand up for those things that are not right.
Gwayakwaadiziwin—Honesty: It takes bravery to be honest in our words and actions. One needs to be honest first and foremost with oneself. Practicing honesty with oneself makes it easier to be honest with others.
Dabaadendiziwin—Humility: As Indigenous people we understand our relationship to all of creation. Humility is to know your place within Creation and to know that all forms of life are equally important. We need to show compassion (care and concern) for all of creation.
Debwewin—Truth: “Truth is to know all of these things” (Benton-Banai, 1988). All of these teachings go hand in hand. For example, to have wisdom one must demonstrate love, respect, bravery, honesty, humility and truth. You are not being honest with yourself if you use only one or two of these teachings. Leaving out even one of these teachings means that one is not embracing the teachings. We must always speak from a truthful place. It is important not to deceive yourself or others.
Just as the boy was instructed to learn these teachings and to share them with all the people, we also need to share these teachings and demonstrate how to live that good, healthy life by following the seven grandfather teachings..
The following website contains information about the Ojibwe teachings on the seven grandfathers. There are also additional resources listed at the bottom of the page that you can explore to learn more about the seven grandfather teachings.
Ojibwe Teachings
“From the romantic representations … to the Marginal Indians of historical and political process, Canadian images of Indians have worked to construct a discourse of subordination.” (Valaskakis, 1993 cited in Dion 2009)
Indigenous people are often portrayed as the romantic, mythical people of the past. Representing Indigenous peoples in this manner serves to perpetuate myths and stereotypes that push them into the margins of society, feeding into the racism, discrimination and oppression that are a daily part of their lives. One way to counter this racism, discrimination and oppression is through the creation of ‘culturally
safe’ services.
Cultural safety is also about understanding and addressing health and social inequities that exist between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. It is about understanding the social, historical, political and economic factors have shaped and continue to shape Indigenous peoples’ health. It is about asking critical questions about why Indigenous people have drastically different health and social outcomes. It is about disrupting the narratives that blame Indigenous people for the circumstances in which they find themselves. Cultural safety is the acknowledgement of the situations that all Indigenous people face as a result of colonial experience. It raises awareness of institutional racism and the nature of social structures that alienate Indigenous people.
Cultural safety is “an environment that is safe for people: where there is no assault, challenge or denial of their identity, of who they are and what they need. It is about shared respect, shared meaning, shared knowledge and experience, of learning, living and working together with dignity and truly listening” (Williams, 2008).
Originating in New Zealand in the field of nursing education, cultural safety has become an influential perspective in developing better health care for Indigenous people. It differs from concepts such as cultural awareness and cultural sensitivity, cultural competency and cultural humility. Cultural awareness is a beginning step where people recognize cultural differences and take steps to sensitize themselves to these differences. Cultural sensitivity involves a process of self-exploration where one examines how one’s own life experience impacts others and legitimizes the awareness of difference. The next step towards cultural safety is cultural competence. Cultural competence and cultural safety are similar in that they both focus on the development of knowledge of cultural issues and self-reflection, which enhances practice with culturally diverse clients. However, cultural safety goes one step further to emphasize the socio-political analysis that is inherent to the situation of Aboriginal peoples (Papps & Ramsden, 1996).
Cultural safety goes beyond learning cultural norms, rituals and practices, or about understanding cultural differences; it is about providing safe services as defined by the service user. In order to accomplish this, it requires positive attitudinal change towards those who are culturally different and learning about power relationships. In many instances, most people are unaware of any racist attitudes they may hold or how these attitudes impact others.
The following link contains more information on cultural safety and some of the steps to take in order to achieve it:
What is Indigenous Cultural Safety – and Why Should I Care About It?
Look into whether there are any cultural safety training workshops or seminars in your region and, if possible, join the workshop/session. Take time to reflect on the language being used and the intent or purpose of that seminar. How will you use the information provided in that workshop/seminar in your own work/activities?
Critical thinking is a term that is used in the helping professions to describe the ability to conceptualize, apply, analyze, synthesize, and/or evaluate information. Critical thinking means that you are able to look at a person or situation from an objective, neutral point of view and devise a plan of action to help your clients. This means not jumping to conclusions, making assumptions or allowing your own biases or prejudices to interfere. Reflection is a critical part of understanding another’s point of view.
Critical thinking is not a new term for Indigenous people. This is something that is inherent in the Indigenous way of life. Indigenous people know and understand that everything is interconnected and that everything has a purpose in this life. Critical reflection is part of the journey called life. The path through life isn’t always smooth and easy; there are many rough spots along the way and many life lessons that are also learned along the way. Being able to reflect on those life lessons helps one discover who they are. This process of discovery is linked to the relationships that one has with the land and all their relations (family, friends, community, the Creator, as well as living and non-living entities). The teachings guide us on our journey through life. The teachings come from our connection to the land. For example, some people may find being alone on the land a scary situation. It takes time to learn how to be on the land and to appreciate all that is around you. There are lessons in every leaf and rock, every animal and bird, and even in the sounds that are around you. Listening to the wind blowing gently through the trees, sitting by the water listening to waves on the rocks or looking into a fire can create the right conditions for reflection.
Freire popularized the concept of praxis, commonly known as action/reflection. According to Freire, people can gain knowledge of their social reality through dialogue, but this is not enough; transformation of their environment occurs through being able to critically reflect upon their reality, taking action and then critically reflecting on that action (Freire Institute, 2016). Change occurs through this process of reflection, action and reflection. This concept of praxis is something that is congruent with Indigenous understanding of the world. Indigenous people create meaning through constant reflection on situations and taking action in response to those situations.
One way that non-Indigenous people can assist in reconciliation is through engaging in this process of critical analysis. Three areas of critical analysis that are crucial for making change are: social structures, social institutions and one’s social location. Social structures can be examined for the power structures embedded in social institutions along class, gender and racial lines that create disparities in the way resources are distributed. Social institutions can be analyzed with respect to the values and attitudes that are used to reinforce dominant culture. Often times, individuals are unaware of how their own social location contributes to maintaining the power structure of a dominant society.
Write a brief response to each of the following questions concerning these areas of analysis:
Canada’s justice system is based on the British model. What impact does this have for Indigenous peoples who come into contact with the justice system?
How does the concept of family differ between Indigenous and non-Indigenous culture? What impact does this have on how child welfare services are delivered?
How do you situate yourself within the dominant culture with respect to class, culture and gender? How has your membership in your class, culture and gender group shaped your attitudes towards Indigenous people?
The following website contains information about how to do a critical analysis. This resource is very straightforward and provides six rules that can guide your critical analysis.
Critical Analysis
Up until this point in this open textbook, we have not directly addressed the topics of racism and discrimination. That is not to say that it does not happen. In fact, there is overt racism and discrimination that exists within most encounters that Indigenous people have with health and social systems. Racism and discrimination are directly related to colonization. Cote-Meek (2014), in her book “Colonized Classrooms,” indicates that colonial violence is not something that exists only in the past, but is something that Indigenous students experience on a daily basis.
What is racism? It is a belief that some people are smarter or better than others based on the colour of their skin. Racism can manifest itself in hate crimes, racial slurs and/or discriminatory behaviours. People don’t start out with the intent to be racist or discriminatory. Related to racism is a concept of ‘’white skin privilege,’ which speaks to the preference of society towards whiteness. White settlers get better jobs and face less life challenges than other people.
White settlers, because of their white skin privilege, are often in positions where they can lend their power to others taking on the role of powerful allies to the less advantaged people of the world. Being an ally requires that one listens more and forms meaningful relationships with Indigenous people. These relationships must be maintained and nurtured in order for greater understanding and learning to occur. This can be challenging given the history of colonialism, but it is not impossible.
One example of allyship that can be highlighted is the role that Dr. Anne Marie Mawhiney played in the development of the Native Social Work Program, now the Indigenous Social Work Program in the School of Indigenous Relations, at Laurentian University. Dr. Mawhiney started off by trying to introduce Indigenous culture into her social work class and to find ways to ensure that her social work students were better prepared to work with Indigenous clients (Mawhiney, Alcoze & Hart, 2014). Dr. Mawhiney, along with Dr. Thom Alcoze, an Indigenous professor in the Native Studies department at the University of Sudbury, approached the Robinson-Huron chiefs with a proposal establish a culturally sensitive social work program designed by Aboriginal people for Aboriginal people (Mawhiney et al., 2014). Throughout the development of this project, Dr. Mawhiney made it very clear that her role would be only as a helper to the Indigenous people in charge of developing this project (Mawhiney et al., 2014).
What are your thoughts on Allyship and how would you could best promote it within colonial institutions?
Describe how you would form a meaningful relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.
The following website contains information about how allyship is used by organizations that deal with domestic and sexual violence:
Working Definition of Allyship: The Handout
The following post by Annie M. Banks, “Different spaces: whiteness and some pitfalls and possibilities of settler solidarity work,” is about allyship. Banks identifies as a white settler of European ancestry settling on Indigenous territories. Banks discusses some of the pitfalls and possibilities that come with her social location when attempting to work “in solidarity” with Indigenous people and people of colour. In this posting, Banks draws attention to the ways in which white settlers take up spaces that can be harmful or recreate oppressive dynamics.
Different Spaces: Whiteness and Some Pitfalls and Possibilities of Settler Solidarity Work
The following video describes the experiment performed by a 3rd grade teacher in Iowa who wanted to teach her students about racism and what that felt like. In this experiment, the blue eyed students were told that they were superior and that the brown eyed students were inferior. The behaviours of the brown eyed students changed significantly with being told they were inferior. The next day, the students were told that those with brown eyes were superior and those with blue eyes were inferior.
Jane Elliott’s Blue Eyes, Brown Eyes: An Exercise in Racism
In Chapter 2 of this open textbook, we learned about the history of treaty making in Canada and that there were two different, distinct views on what the treaties meant. Indigenous peoples viewed treaties as solemn pacts that laid the foundation for future relationships between nations, whereas the government viewed treaties as a means to legally acquire lands for settlement, mining and railways (Goldi Productions Ltd., 2007).
How is it that there are two different, opposing views on the intent of the treaties? This can be related to differences in worldview. For example, Indigenous people have a special relationship to the land, Mother Earth. Indigenous spirituality is centered around that relationship with all of Creation and understanding their place within the world. The land is not something that can be owned; rather it is something that must be cared for so that it can continue to sustain humanity. Indigenous people understand that life is a gift, therefore it makes no sense for anyone to claim ownership over any part of Creation (McKay cited in Engelstad & Bird, 1992). Non-Indigenous people view land as something that can be owned and controlled. The land is there to be farmed, mined, and exploited for its resources. There is no thought given to the need to care for the earth so that it can provide for future generations.
There remains to this day much controversy over the treaties especially with respect to the obligations of each treaty partner. In 2017-2018, hearings were held in Sudbury, Ontario, over the annuity payments with respect to the Robinson-Huron Treaty. Each year on “Treaty Day,” descendants of the original signatories to the Robinson-Huron Treaty line-up to receive their treaty payments of $4.00 (the same amount of money that was issued in 1850) (Toulouse, 2018). The amount of treaty payments has not increased in 167 years, however the revenue generated through resource extraction in mining alone is much greater. This raises the concern that if Indigenous communities were properly compensated for allowing the government to use the resources that come from the land, then there would be funds that could be allocated towards health, social, and economic services that could help alleviate the poor conditions in existence in their communities.
In November 2016, schools across Ontario celebrated the first Treaties Recognition Week with the purpose of promoting public education and awareness about the history and importance of treaties and treaty relationships. At this inaugural Treaties Recognition Week, a teacher’s resource guide and kit called the Gdo-Sastamoo Kii Mi (“helping you to understand”): Understanding our Nation to Nation Relationship was launched. A key message is that treaties with Indigenous peoples are living documents and must be honoured. This is one step forward in ‘righting’ the history of treaty making in Canada. It should be noted that this movement towards education about the treaties is likely in response to the Calls to Action from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission that calls for age-appropriate curriculum on the history of treaties for students in Kindergarten to Grade 12 (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2015).
Mnaadendiwin (Respect) is one of the Seven Grandfather Teachings, sometimes referred to as the seven sacred gifts. According to Benton-Banai (1988), when one demonstrates Mnaadendiwin (Respect) one honours all of creation. According to Anishinaabe teachings, each person is gifted with ‘vision’ to be able to see the world from an Indigenous perspective and to see with ‘total’ vision (having the capacity to view life from a holistic perspective) (Dumont, 1993). Vision recognizes that all life is interconnected and inter-related and because of this vision, generates respect. Respect comes from this circular vision. Respect includes respect for creation, knowledge and wisdom, dignity and freedom of others, quality of life and for spirit (in all things) (Dumont, 1993). According to Dumont (1993), respect is a prerequisite to other values such as wisdom, honesty, humility, kindness and strength. Anishinaabe values are unique because of the perception and understanding that comes from realizing the primal gift of vision (wholeness) and the primary motivator – respect.
How does the teaching on respect relate to the Anishinaabe culture?
Do you think it is important to be respectful? If so, why?
What do you think it means to show respect?
How do you show respect for yourself and your family?
Seek out knowledge about the teaching of respect from an Elder for your community. If you are not from an Indigenous community, you can visit a Friendship Centre or other Indigenous organization in your area and ask to speak with an Elder. Be sure to present tobacco when asking for teachings.
The image below is a snapshot of many of the locations throughout Greater Sudbury that have been discussed in this open textbook. Individually, they are just plots on a map. Comprehensively, they represent the historical, traditional, and cultural significance of the lands encompassing the district of Greater Sudbury and area.
Click on the image of the map below for a more detailed geographic context.
Respect is fundamental to the braiding of the Indigenous/non-Indigenous stories. In this last chapter, we focused on the centre of the Medicine Wheel learning about the fire within, or what is referred to as the self. Skills such as critical reflection, combined with new understandings of the world, challenge us to take responsibility for our actions. What will the future look like? What is our responsibility in developing a new narrative about the relationship between Indigenous/non-Indigenous people of this territory? The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Calls to Action provide recommendations for change, but it is up to all of us to be part of that change.
Information contained in this open textbook provide a starting point to open the dialogue between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous peoples. By providing insight into Indigenous worldview framed in the context of the medicine wheel and sacred teaching, as well as identifying the contributions made by Indigenous peoples, it is hoped that readers will develop new understandings of Indigenous peoples. Through the writing of this open textbook, information was provided that would address many of the misconceptions held by non-Indigenous peoples about Indigenous peoples. The starting place was the history about the people in the Robinson-Huron Territory, specifically Atikameksheng and Wiigwaaskinaga First Nation communities. As we moved around the medicine wheel, we examined how colonization has impacted Indigenous communities, the engagement of First Nation communities in efforts to revitalize traditional culture and ways of being, resistance to continued colonial efforts through the creation of services and programs that reclaimed traditional healing practices, Indigenous governance systems, Indigenous knowledge systems, and Indigenous ways of being. This is evidenced in the growth of programs and services such as the Friendship Centres, Health Centre, Indigenous Child and Family Services organizations, Indigenous Education and Indigenous research. Teachings around the medicine wheel – specifically respect and reason – challenge individuals to think about difference, comprehend that although there is a different philosophies of the world, there isn’t one way of being that is superior to another. Deeper understanding of the world leads to deeper appreciation of one another, thus forming a foundation for Indigenous/non-Indigenous people to create space for reconciliation to occur.
This textbook was designed to also be a guide on how to collect and present Indigenous stories in a particular area in order to showcase the relationship between Indigenous/non-Indigenous People of that territory. As such, the textbook should appeal to other educators at the post-secondary level who would like to document this relationship within their own curriculum as the stories collected could touch upon commerce, economics, history, geography, medicine, architecture, sociology, education, etc. The following sections detail how the textbook was created and what kind of challenges were experienced.
Each chapter consists of the following elements:
Overview: an overview of the topics that will be covered and description of how the information is organized – the overview will be presented in the form of one section of an interactive map highlighting specific points of interest with markers whose colours are associated to the chapters in which they are mentioned. Each marker could be a short video either created specifically for this textbook by Indigenous experts who will share their stories, or by using videos of stories already collected by organizations such as the Ojibwe Cultural Foundation.
Learning outcomes: these outcomes let the students know what they can expect to learn as they progress through each chapter. The learning outcomes are presented in the order in which they will be covered throughout the chapter and are used to help guide the student and allow them to monitor their progress.
Content including a map: the content explains key points and creates links between historical events and how they affected the relationships between Indigenous/non-Indigenous People in the region of Greater Sudbury. The map highlights important events and organizations and provides a visual representation of geographical and societal support.
Learning activities: personal learning activities are spread out throughout the modules. These exercises encourage students to make notes and answer questions on the key topics under discussion. They are for the student’s own learning and are designed to further their learning and to help the student achieve the learning outcomes for each module.
Expanding your knowledge: supplementary resources prompt students to visit further websites or access online readings to support the content of the textbook.
The underlying pedagogy of this open textbook and its accompanying assessments was informed by Wiggins’ (1998) “backwards design.” This design links the learning outcomes of each chapter to corresponding assessments of student understanding, supported by effective, scaffolded learning activities.
The content was created by a team consisting of a content expert, two content peer reviewers, one upper-year undergraduate student in the Bachelor of Indigenous Social Work and one graduate student in the Master of Indigenous Relations, an instructional designer and an educational technology expert, along with a project manager to ensure that timelines were met, and a librarian familiar with OER creation.
The students were tasked with finding sources of information of the local Indigenous groups – their history, their organizations and mandates, etc. Once these resources were identified and properly labelled, the content expert began the process of writing the chapters by referring to overarching historical events in Canada’s history with Indigenous Peoples and linking them to what was happening in the area of Greater Sudbury at that time. Weekly meetings by the team ensured that everyone was on track and assignments could be given to ensure that content was found as needed. The content was then peer reviewed and edited, and formatted by an instructional designer for the educational technologist to create the necessary pages in Pressbooks. Having the weekly meetings helped to clarify the direction for the students. Through information gathering, the students had to network with agencies in the community, faculty and staff at the University and access resources beyond their own limitations. There is a greater knowledge that can be accessed when developing those networks and by doing so, create a symbiotic relationship with others in the creation of the open textbook.
The biggest challenge during the content creation was to ensure that if secondary sources were to be used in the open textbook, that proper citations and permission were received. The team found that it was easier to not directly cite secondary sources to ensure that content was easily accessible in the PDF format, and to instead put these resources into the “Expanding your knowledge” sections, where students could continue to explore the supplementary resources.
A further challenge was the fact that a lot of the pre-colonial history of Indigenous Peoples has not been documented in a written form that was readily accessible. Researchers will therefore need to reach out to the Indigenous communities and work together to create this knowledge. For example, the student gathering information about stories specific to Atikameksheng needed to locate the source of information in the community. This meant getting in contact with individuals in the community and asking where information could be found and then seeking permissions (from Chief and Council, Health Directors, etc.) to use the information gathered in this open textbook.
The original timeline of seven months given to produce this open textbook posed some challenges for the team in particular obtaining interviews that contributed to the resources for this textbook. When working with Indigenous communities it takes time to build relationships. Once a resource person had been identified, the student had to make contact with this individual, offer tobacco (this signifies the beginning of a relationship and the acceptance of the tobacco represents a sacred pledge between the individual making the offer and the one accepting the tobacco) and then set aside time to meet face to face with the resource person. One cannot just go into a community and expect that people will share their stories. The person sharing the story needs to know the purpose for which the story will be used and how others will access the story and acknowledge where the story comes from.
Another issue related to accessing new information deals with knowing when to stop. In this open textbook we were dealing with current events and recording of history in real time. For example, the refusal of the Catholic Church to apologize for their role in the Residential School System made for interesting news that was included in this textbook and added to the discussion of the impacts of that system on Indigenous peoples. Given the time frame for completion, it was difficult to decide when to stop collecting current events for inclusion in this open textbook resource.
Within the open textbook itself, each chapter makes use of an map containing geo-locating tags that have been created, connecting either an important historical location or notable organizations to different areas of the region.
When deciding which map would be best to build the stories into, much consideration had to be taken. Most of the concerns when selecting the platform focused mainly on the ease of use (from a technical perspective), ease of reuse, and the licensing/ownership of the data. The team consulted with a university librarian who has comprehensive knowledge of open data platforms and selected a map based on his suggestion. The specific platform used for creating the map is OpenStreetMap, an editable map that is openly licensed in which editors can freely contribute to map data of the world.
Consideration regarding different coloured tags for different topics or areas of focus has been made and through the use of the map, there is tangibility added to the information via a combination of geo-locating and indigenous storytelling techniques and traditions. This type of map connects the current landscape with indigenous stories of culture, tradition, and history. When considering a map-based text compared with conventional paper-based or electronic texts, the student experience is transformed through the opportunity of exploration and discovery of the map. Allowing readers (students) the chance to contextualize their learning with a physical location provides them with the opportunity to build upon pre-existing knowledge and engage with new concepts in order to enhance their knowledge development of the subject matter.
By the end of the textbook, the original map covering the entire area will have been filled with landmarks that offer historical, traditional, and cultural significance to the land encompassing the district of Greater Sudbury and area.
The material s provided as an open textbook, available for direct access by students and instructors, as a web-based resource, and also as downloadable assets versions in PDF, ePub, and other standard file formats. As the content is designed in chapters, users of the contents can mix and match according to their own curriculum, while maintaining the overarching theme of braiding Indigenous/non-Indigenous perspectives.
The content is completely original, with supporting secondary sources and has been made openly available in the eCampusOntario Open Textbook Library by being licensed under the Creative Commons-Attribution NonCommercial license.
We would like to express our sincerest thanks the following individuals and organizations for their help in providing input and information to the creation of this open textbook:
Adam Babin, HBISW student, School of Indigenous Relations, Laurentian University
Sarah Bouchard, Instructional Designer, Centre for Academic Excellence, Laurentian University
Kelly Brennan, Instructional Technology Coordinator, Centre for Academic Excellence, Laurentian University
Bettina Brockerhoff-Macdonald, Director – Faculty Engagement, Centre for Academic Excellence, Laurentian University
Marthe Brown, Archivist, Library and Archives, Laurentian University
Daniel Côté, Assistant Professor, School of Indigenous Relations, Laurentian University
Christian Cyr, student, Centre for Academic Excellence, Laurentian University
Joël Dickinson, Interim Dean, Faculty of Arts, Laurentian University
David Fortin, Director and Assistant Professor, McEwen School of Architecture, Laurentian University
Anissa Goupil, MSW student, School of Indigenous Relations, Laurentian University
Arlene Johnson, Access Manager, School of Indigenous Relations, Laurentian University
Moira Morrison, Manager, Instructional Design, Centre for Academic Excellence, Laurentian University
Penguin Random House Canada Limited
Art Petatehgoose, Atikameksheng Anishnabek Elder
Daniel Scott, Associate Librarian & Chair, Library and Archives, Laurentian University
Shingwauk Residential Schools Centre, Algoma University
Marissa Walinga, Assistant Archivist, Library and Archives, Laurentian University
Julie Wilder, Editor – Wiigwaaskingaa (Land of Birch Trees), on behalf of the late Arthur J. McGregor
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